GERMÂNIA - GERMANIA - GERMANY

Representada por «Germania» de Philipp Veit (1848).

«Deutschland» em Alemão, tem por base «diutisciu land», «terra das pessoas de língua popular» por contraste com as pessoas de língua Latina. 
«Germany» em Inglês, tem por base «GERMANIA» em Latim, designação que os Romanos davam aos territórios que ficavam a Nordeste do seu Império («IMPERIUM»), parte dos quais, essencialmente delimitados pelas fronteiras naturais constituídas pelos grandes rios «RHENUS» (Reno), com curso Sul-Norte, e «DANUVIUS» («ISTER», Danúbio), com curso inicial Oeste-Leste, foram integrados no Império. Tem por base o significante em Alemão «germannen» («homens da lança»).


Representação de «Germannen», Germânicos: «Ancient german family. Illustration from Costumes of all nations : 123 plates, containing over 1500 coloured costume pictures by the first Munich artists. Grevel, 1913.» (Wkipedia)

 Os Romanos também designavam a «GERMANIA» como «ALEMANIA» (Alemanha), que tem por base o significante «allemannen» («todos os homens»), uma aliança militar de várias tribos.


Mapa que representa o Império Romano em 125 d.C., criado por Andrein (Wikipedia) com a licença de utilização Creative Commons (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/deed.en)

Vejamos alguns exemplos de cidades alemãs que tiveram influência Romana e Latina: «COLONIA CLAUDIA ARA AGRIPPINENSIUM» (Köln, Colónia), onde nasceu IVLIA AGRIPINA (39 a.C.) que influenciou o nome na sua fundação, e onde nasceu também o democrata Robert Blum (1807); «BONNA» («Bonn», Bona) onde nasceu o grande compositor Ludwig van Beethoven em 1770; «MOGUNTIACUM» («Mainz», Mogúncia) onde nasceu o inventor da prensa móvel Johannes Gutenberg em 1400, que permitiu a impressão em grandes quantidades de livros; AUGUSTA TREVERORUM («Trier», Tréveris), fundada pelos Romanos em 16 a.C. e onde nasceu Karl Marx em 1818.

Colónia Romana representada no Museu Germânico-Romano da Cidade («das römsiche Köln. Rekonstruktion im Römisch-Germanisches Museum, Köln»)

O historiador Romano Tacitus começa a sua obra «De Origine et situ Germanorum» (98 d.C.) da seguinte forma (Oxford Translation):
«Germany is separated from Gaul, Rhaetia, and Pannonia, by the rivers Rhine and Danube; from Sarmatia and Dacia, by mountains and mutual dread. The rest is surrounded by an ocean, embracing broad promontories and vast insular tracts, in which our military expeditions have lately discovered various nations and kingdoms. The Rhine, issuing from the inaccessible and precipitous summit of the Rhaetic Alps, bends gently to the west, and falls into the Northern Ocean. The Danube, poured from the easy and gently raised ridge of Mount Abnoba, visits several nations in its course, till at length it bursts out by six channels into the Pontic sea; a seventh is lost in marshes.»
E continua ...

«In the election of kings they have regard to birth; in that of generals, to valor. Their kings have not an absolute or unlimited power; and their generals command less through the force of authority, than of example. If they are daring, adventurous, and conspicuous in action, they procure obedience from the admiration they inspire. None, however, but the priests are permitted to judge offenders, to inflict bonds or stripes; so that chastisement appears not as an act of military discipline, but as the instigation of the god whom they suppose present with warriors. They also carry with them to battle certain images and standards taken from the sacred groves. It is a principal incentive to their courage, that their squadrons and battalions are not formed by men fortuitously collected, but by the assemblage of families and clans. Their pledges also are near at hand; they have within hearing the yells of their women, and the cries of their children. These, too, are the most revered witnesses of each man's conduct, these his most liberal applauders. To their mothers and their wives they bring their wounds for relief, nor do these dread to count or to search out the gashes. The women also administer food and encouragement to those who are fighting.

Tradition relates, that armies beginning to give way have been rallied by the females, through the earnestness of their supplications, the interposition of their bodies, and the pictures they have drawn of impending slavery, a calamity which these people bear with more impatience for their women than themselves; so that those states who have been obliged to give among their hostages the daughters of noble families, are the most effectually bound to fidelity. They even suppose somewhat of sanctity and prescience to be inherent in the female sex; and therefore neither despise their counsels, nor disregard their responses. We have beheld, in the reign of Vespasian, Veleda, long reverenced by many as a deity. Aurima, moreover, and several others, were formerly held in equal veneration, but not with a servile flattery, nor as though they made them goddesses.»

«(...) Lending money upon interest, and increasing it by usury, is unknown amongst them: and this ignorance more effectually prevents the practice than a prohibition would do. The lands are occupied by townships, in allotments proportional to the number of cultivators; and are afterwards parcelled out among the individuals of the district, in shares according to the rank and condition of each person. The wide extent of plain facilitates this partition. The arable lands are annually changed, and a part left fallow; nor do they attempt to make the most of the fertility and plenty of the soil, by their own industry in planting orchards, inclosing meadows, and watering gardens. Corn is the only product required from the earth: hence their year is not divided into so many seasons as ours; for, while they know and distinguish by name Winter, Spring, and Summer, they are unacquainted equally with the appellation and bounty of Autumn.»

«(...) This is the sum of what I have been able to learn concerning the origin and manners of the Germans in general. I now proceed to mention those particulars in which they differ from each other; and likewise to relate what nations have migrated from Germany into Gaul. That great writer, the deified Julius, asserts that the Gauls were formerly the superior people; whence it is probable that some Gallic colonies passed over into Germany: for how small an obstacle would a river be to prevent any nation, as it increased in strength, from occupying or changing settlements as yet lying in common, and unappropriated by the power of monarchies! Accordingly, the tract betwixt the Hercynian forest and the rivers Rhine and Mayne was possessed by the Helvetii: and that beyond, by the Boii; both Gallic tribes. The name of Boiemum still remains, a memorial of the ancient settlement, though its inhabitants are now changed. But whether the Aravisci migrated into Pannonia from the Osi, a German nation; or the Osi into Germany from the Aravisci; (...). The Treveri and Nervii are ambitious of being thought of German origin; (...). The Vangiones, Triboci, and Nemetes, who inhabit the bank of the Rhine, are without doubt German tribes. Nor do the Ubii, although they have been thought worthy of being made a Roman colony, and are pleased in bearing the name of Agrippinenses from their founder, blush to acknowledge their origin from Germany; from whence they formerly migrated, and for their approved fidelity were settled on the bank of the Rhine, not that they might be guarded themselves, but that they might serve as a guard against invaders.

Of all these people, the most famed for valor are the Batavi; whose territories comprise but a small part of the banks of the Rhine, but consist chiefly of an island within it. These were formerly a tribe of the Catti, who, on account of an intestine division, removed to their present settlements, in order to become a part of the Roman empire. They still retain this honor, together with a memorial of their ancient alliance; for they are neither insulted by taxes, nor oppressed by farmers of the revenue. Exempt from fiscal burthens and extraordinary contributions, and kept apart for military use alone, they are reserved, like a magazine of arms, for the purposes of war. The nation of the Mattiaci is under a degree of subjection of the same kind: for the greatness of the Roman people has carried a reverence for the empire beyond the Rhine and the ancient limits. The Mattiaci, therefore, though occupying a settlement and borders on the opposite side of the river, from sentiment and attachment act with us; resembling the Batavi in every respect, except that they are animated with a more vigorous spirit by the soil and air of their own country. I do not reckon among the people of Germany those who occupy the Decumate lands, although inhabiting between the Rhine and Danube. Some of the most fickle of the Gauls, rendered daring through indigence, seized upon this district of uncertain property. Afterwards, our boundary line being advanced, and a chain of fortified posts established, it became a skirt of the empire, and part of the Roman province. 

Beyond these dwell the Catti, whose settlements, beginning from the Hercynian forest, are in a tract of country less open and marshy than those which overspread the other states of Germany; for it consists of a continued range of hills, which gradually become more scattered; and the Hercynian forest both accompanies and leaves behind, its Catti. This nation is distinguished by hardier frames, compactness of limb, fierceness of countenance, and superior vigor of mind. For Germans, they have a considerable share of understanding and sagacity; they choose able persons to command, and obey them when chosen; keep their ranks; seize opportunities; restrain impetuous motions; distribute properly the business of the day; intrench themselves against the night; account fortune dubious, and valor only certain; and, what is extremely rare, and only a consequence of discipline, depend more upon the general than the army. Their force consists entirely in infantry; who, besides their arms, are obliged to carry tools and provisions. Other nations appear to go to a battle; the Catti, to war. (...).

(...) Next to the Catti, on the banks of the Rhine, where, now settled in its channel, it is become a sufficient boundary, dwell the Usipii and Tencteri. The latter people, in addition to the usual military reputation, are famed for the discipline of their cavalry; nor is the infantry of the Catti in higher estimation than the horse of the Tencteri. Their ancestors established it, and are imitated by posterity. Horsemanship is the sport of their children, the point of emulation of their youth, and the exercise in which they persevere to old age. Horses are bequeathed along with the domestics, the household gods, and the rights of inheritance: they do not, however, like other things, go to the eldest son, but to the bravest and most warlike.

Contiguous to the Tencteri were formerly the Bructeri; but report now says that the Chamavi and Angrivarii, migrating into their country, have expelled and entirely extirpated them, with the concurrence of the neighboring nations, induced either by hatred of their arrogance, love of plunder, or the favor of the gods towards the Romans. (...) May the nations retain and perpetuate, if not an affection for us, at least an animosity against each other! since, while the fate of the empire is thus urgent, fortune can bestow no higher benefit upon us, than the discord of our enemies.

Contiguous to the Angrivarii and Chamavi backwards lie the Dulgibini, Chasauri, and other nations less known. In front, the Frisii succeed; who are distinguished by the appellations of Greater and Lesser, from their proportional power. The settlements of both stretch along the border of the Rhine to the ocean; and include, besides, vast lakes, which have been navigated by Roman fleets. We have even explored the ocean itself on that side; and fame reports that columns of Hercules are still remaining on that coast; whether it be that Hercules was ever there in reality, or that whatever great and magnificent is anywhere met with is, by common consent, ascribed to his renowned name. The attempt of Drusus Germanicus to make discoveries in these parts was sufficiently daring; but the ocean opposed any further inquiry into itself and Hercules. After a while no one renewed the attempt; and it was thought more pious and reverential to believe the actions of the gods, than to investigate them.

Hitherto we have traced the western side of Germany. It turns from thence with a vast sweep to the north: and first occurs the country of the Chauci, which, though it begins immediately from Frisia, and occupies part of the seashore, yet stretches so far as to border on all the nations before mentioned, till it winds round so as to meet the territories of the Catti. This immense tract is not only possessed, but filled by the Chauci; a people the noblest of the Germans, who choose to maintain their greatness by justice rather than violence. Without ambition, without ungoverned desires, quiet and retired, they provoke no wars, they are guilty of no rapine or plunder; and it is a principal proof of their power and bravery, that the superiority they possess has not been acquired by unjust means. Yet all have arms in readiness; and, if necessary, an army is soon raised: for they abound in men and horses, and maintain their military reputation even in inaction.

Bordering on the Chauci and Catti are the Cherusci; who, for want of an enemy, long cherished a too lasting and enfeebling peace: a state more flattering than secure; since the repose enjoyed amidst ambitious and powerful neighbors is treacherous; and when an appeal is made to the sword, moderation and probity are names appropriated by the victors. Thus, the Cherusci, who formerly bore the titles of just and upright, are now charged with cowardice and folly; and the good fortune of the Catti, who subdued them, has grown into wisdom. The ruin of the Cherusci involved that of the Fosi, a neighboring tribe, equal partakers of their adversity, although they had enjoyed an inferior share of their prosperity.

In the same quarter of Germany, adjacent to the ocean, dwell the Cimbri; a small state at present, but great in renown. Of their past grandeur extensive vestiges still remain, in encampments and lines on either shore, from the compass of which the strength and numbers of the nation may still be computed, and credit derived to the account of so prodigious an army. It was in the 640th year of Rome that the arms of the Cimbri were first heard of, under the consulate of Caecilius Metellus and Papirius Carbo; from which era to the second consulate of the emperor Trajan is a period of nearly 210 years. So long has Germany withstood the arms of Rome. During this long interval many mutual wounds have been inflicted. Not the Samnite, the Carthaginian, Spain, Gaul, or Parthia, have given more frequent alarms; for the liberty of the Germans is more vigorous than the monarchy of the Arsacidae. (...)

We have now to speak of the Suevi; who do not compose a single state, like the Catti or Tencteri, but occupy the greatest part of Germany, and are still distributed into different names and nations, although all hearing the common appellation of Suevi. (...)

The Semnones assert themselves to be the most ancient and noble of the Suevi; and their pretensions are confirmed by religion. (...)

The Langobardi, on the other hand, are ennobled by, the smallness of their numbers; since though surrounded by many powerful nations, they derive security, not from obsequiousness, but from their martial enterprise. The neighboring Reudigni, and the Avions, Angli, Varini, Eudoses, Suardones, and Nuithones, are defended by rivers or forests. Nothing remarkable occurs in any of these; except that they unite in the worship of Hertha, or Mother Earth; and suppose her to interfere in the affairs of men, and to visit the different nations. In an island of the ocean stands a sacred and unviolated grove, in which is a consecrated chariot, covered with a veil, which the priest alone is permitted to touch. He becomes conscious of the entrance of the goddess into this secret recess; and with profound veneration attends the vehicle, which is drawn by yoked cows. At this season, all is joy; and every place which the goddess deigns to visit is a scene of festivity. No wars are undertaken; arms are untouched; and every hostile weapon is shut up. Peace abroad and at home are then only known; then only loved; till at length the same priest reconducts the goddess, satiated with mortal intercourse, to her temple. The chariot, with its curtain, and, if we may believe it, the goddess herself, then undergo ablution in a secret lake. This office is performed by slaves, whom the same lake instantly swallows up. Hence proceeds a mysterious horror; and a holy ignorance of what that can be, which is beheld only by those who are about to perish. This part of the Suevian nation extends to the most remote recesses of Germany.

If we now follow the course of the Danube, as we before did that of the Rhine, we first meet with the Hermunduri; a people faithful to the Romans, and on that account the only Germans who are admitted to commerce, not on the bank alone, but within our territories, and in the flourishing colony established in the province of Rhaetia. They pass and repass at pleasure, without being attended by a guard; and while we exhibit to other nations our arms and camps alone, to these we lay open our houses and country seats, which they behold without coveting. In the country of the Hermunduri rises the Elbe; a river formerly celebrated and known among us, now only heard of by name.

Contiguous to the Hermunduri are the Narisci; and next to them, the Marcomanni and Quadi. Of these, the Marcomanni are the most powerful and renowned; and have even acquired the country which they inhabit, by their valor in expelling the Boii. Nor are the Narisci and Quadi inferior in bravery; and this is, as it were, the van of Germany as far as it is bordered by the Danube. Within our memory the Marcomanni and Quadi were governed by kings of their own nation, of the noble line of Maroboduus and Tudrus. They now submit even to foreigners; but all the power of their kings depends upon the authority of the Romans. We seldom assist them with our arms, but frequently with our money; nor are they the less potent on that account.

Behind these are the Marsigni, Gothini, Osi, and Burrii, who close the rear of the Marcomanni and Quadi. Of these, the Marsigni and Burrii in language and dress resemble the Suevi. The Gothini and Osi prove themselves not to be Germans; the first, by their use of the Gallic, the second, of the Pannonian tongue; and both, by their submitting to pay tribute: which is levied on them, as aliens, partly by the Sarmatians, partly by the Quadi. The Gothini, to their additional disgrace, work iron mines. All these people inhabit but a small proportion of champaign country; their settlements are chiefly amongst forests, and on the sides and summits of mountains; for a continued ridge of mountains separates Suevia from various remoter tribes. Of these, the Lygian is the most extensive, and diffuses its name through several communities. It will be sufficient to name the most powerful of them—the Arii, Helvecones, Manimi, Elysii, and Naharvali. In the country of the latter is a grove, consecrated to religious rites of great antiquity. A priest presides over them, dressed in woman's apparel; but the gods worshipped there are said, according to the Roman interpretation, to be Castor and Pollux. Their attributes are the same; their name, Alcis. No images, indeed, or vestiges of foreign superstition, appear in their worship; but they are revered under the character of young men and brothers. The Arii, fierce beyond the superiority of strength they possess over the other just enumerated people, improve their natural ferocity of aspect by artificial helps. Their shields are black; their bodies painted: they choose the darkest nights for an attack; and strike terror by the funereal gloom of their sable bands—no enemy being able to sustain their singular, and, as it were, infernal appearance; since in every combat the eyes are the first part subdued. Beyond the Lygii are the Gothones, who live under a monarchy, somewhat more strict than that of the other German nations, yet not to a degree incompatible with liberty. Adjoining to these are the Rugii and Lemovii, situated on the sea-coast—all these tribes are distinguished by round shields, short swords, and submission to regal authority.

Next occur the communities of the Suiones, seated in the very Ocean, who, besides their strength in men and arms, also possess a naval force. The form of their vessels differs from ours in having a prow at each end, so that they are always ready to advance. They make no use of sails, nor have regular benches of oars at the sides: they row, as is practised in some rivers, without order, sometimes on one side, sometimes on the other, as occasion requires. These people honor wealth; for which reason they are subject to monarchical government, without any limitations, or precarious conditions of allegiance. Nor are arms allowed to be kept promiscuously, as among the other German nations: but are committed to the charge of a keeper, and he, too, a slave. The pretext is, that the Ocean defends them from any sudden incursions; and men unemployed, with arms in their hands, readily become licentious. In fact, it is for the king's interest not to entrust a noble, a freeman, or even an emancipated slave, with the custody of arms.

«(...) Beyond the Suiones is another sea, sluggish and almost stagnant, by which the whole globe is imagined to be girt and enclosed, from this circumstance, that the last light of the setting sun continues so vivid till its rising, as to obscure the stars. Popular belief adds, that the sound of his emerging from the ocean is also heard; and the forms of deities, with the rays beaming from his head, are beheld. Only thus far, report says truly, does nature extend. On the right shore of the Suevic sea dwell the tribes of the Aestii, whose dress and customs are the same with those of the Suevi, but their language more resembles the British. They worship the mother of the gods; (...) They cultivate corn and other fruits of the earth with more industry than German indolence commonly exerts. They even explore the sea; and are the only people who gather amber, which by them is called Glese, and is collected among the shallows and upon the shore.(...). The several communities of the Sitones succeed those of the Suiones; to whom they are similar in other respects, but differ in submitting to a female reign; so far have they degenerated, not only from liberty, but even from slavery. Here Suevia terminates. (...)»

Parte das fronteiras germânicas do Império Romano «LIMES GERMANICUS», com destaque para as futuras cidades de Colónia, Bona e Mainz, neste mapa criado por Ziegelbrennen (Wikipedia) com licença de uutilização Creative Commons (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/deed.en).

Das diferentes tribos germânicas observadas por Tacitus no final do I século depois de Cristo, quase no apogeu do Império, começaram a emergir até à aproximação da queda do Império Romano do Ocidente que ficou marcada na História em 476 d.C.: os Angli (Anglos), os Saxoni (Saxões), os Franci (Francos), os Alemanni ou Alamanni (Alamanos) confederação de Suebi (Suevos), os Frisi (Frísios), os Thuringii (Turíngios), os Burgundiones (Burgúndios), os Lombardii (Lombardos), os Gothi (Godos).

Após um longo período de conflito, convivência, integração, guerra e paz, com um Império extremamente debilitado, ocorre a migração dos Hunos a partir de 376 d.C até 408 d.C., que provoca e abre espaços sucessivamente, à migração/invasão do Império por parte dos Visigodos, dos Ostrogodos, dos Vândalos, dos Alanos e dos Suevos (Hispânia, Gália, Norte de África), dos Anglos e dos Saxões (Britânia). A grande invasão dos Hunos em 450 d.C. (500.000) liderados por Átila que vão ocupar todo o território a Norte do Danúbio e a Leste do Reno, evidenciou ainda mais as vulnerabilidades do Império, como poderemos observar no seguinte mapa que representa as diferentes posições no ano da invasão:


Shepherd, William R.: Historical Atlas. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1923

A reconquista da Lusitânia, da Bética e de partes da Tarraconense e da Gália por parte do Imperador Iulius Valerius Maiorianus no período entre 457 d.C. e 461 d.C. foi efémera, aqui representada por  Tataryn77 (Wikipedia), com a a licença de utilização (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/deed.en).



Em 477 d.C. podemos ver a representação da Euro-Ásia e África do Norte neste mapa criado por Thomas Lessman com a licença de utilização (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/deed.en)

A partir do seu Reino, de 481 d.C. até 814 d.C., os Francos vão desenvolver um vasto Império e marcar o futuro Centro Europeu continental.

É a partir desse Império que se vai formar a partir da sua parte oriental, em 962 d.C., o Sacro Império Romano-Germânico (Sacrum Romanum Imperium em Latim, Heiliges Römisches Reich em Alemão), que se vai prolongar até 1806 d.C., posto em causa pelo Império Francês, liderado por Napoleon Bonaparte. No Mapa de William Shepherd podemos observar a representação do Império em 1097 d.C., no tempo do Condado Portucalense do Reino de Leão, que deu origem ao Reino de Portugal, reconhecido em 1143 d.C.

Shepherd, William R.: Historical Atlas. New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1923

Império Francês em 1812 representado por Alphaton e Maix (Wikipedia) com a licença de utilização Creative Commons (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/deed.fr)

Com o fim do 1.º Império Francês em 1814, é criada a Confederação Germânica (Deutscher Bund) em 1815, que vai existir até 1866, aqui representada por este mapa criado por Kgberger (Wikipedia), com a licença de utilização Creative Commons (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/deed.en).


A Confederação é uma resultante da dialéctica entre as duas grandes potências, Prússia e Áustria, que a Inglaterra aceita para conter as outras potências, a França derrotada e a Rússia vitoriosa, tendo em 1848 sido posta em causa pelos movimentos liberais e nacionalistas que agitaram a Europa, e que procuravam realizar sem êxito, a unificação da Alemanha. 




Em 1866, com a guerra entre a Prússia e a Áustria cai a Confederação e é criada a Confederação Germânica do Norte (Nord-Deutsche Bund) pela Prússia e seus aliados, que existiu até 1871.A sua representação foi também realizada por Kgberger (Wikipedia), com a licença de utilização Creative Commons (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/deed.en).  



Liderada por Otto von Bismarck, a Prússia tem esta visão estratégica no seu discurso de 1862: «The position of Prussia in Germany will not be determined by its liberalism but by its power ... Prussia must concentrate its strength and hold it for the favorable moment, which has already come and gone several times. Since the treaties of Vienna, our frontiers have been ill-designed for a healthy body politic. Not through speeches and majority decisions will the great questions of the day be decided - that was the great mistake of 1848 and 1849 - but by iron and blood (Eisen und Blut).»
A romântica visão Nacionalista e Liberal que falhou no imediato, mas que criou sementes para o futuro, expressa  na pintura de 1848 de Philipp Veit é substituída pela Realpolitik do Poder, baseada na Economia e na capacidade bélica, no quadro de uma Europa cheia de potências e vontades de poder, expressa na pintura de Kaulbach de 1914:


«Deutschland» de Friedrich August von Kaulbach (1914).

Bismark após a guerra Franco-Prussiana de 1870-1871, consegue unificar a Alemanha, que tinha 300 Estados independentes no Sacro Império Romano-Germânico até 1806. A dialéctica da História cria novas resultantes, nova sínteses provenientes de teses e antíteses. É constituído o Império Germânico (German Reich), que vai existir até à sua derrota, com os seus aliados austríacos em 1918 e aqui representado de novo por  Kgberger (Wikipedia), com a licença de utilização Creative Commons (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/deed.en). 



A 1.ª guerra mundial e as suas consequências, foram desastrosas para a Alemanha e para a Europa ...

Nota em marcos alemães de 1923 (http://pt.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ficheiro:100_Millionen_Mark.jpg)

Nota em pengos húngaros de 1936 (http://pt.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ficheiro:10_Pengo.jpg)


Uma das manifestações dos problemas que a Alemanha enfrentou, acompanhada por outra aliada do Império Austro-Húngaro, a Hungria, foi a terrível hiperinflação, uma gigantesca subida dos preços das mercadorias em marcos e em pengos, uma brutal desvalorização do papel-moeda e da sua correspondência em ouro, face à aceleração da sua emissão pelos Governos Germânico e Magiar para responder ao financiamento dos compromissos públicos, pressionados pela guerra, derrota e crise do sistema capitalista, sem possibilidade de recorrer à tributação. Esta nota de 100 milhões de marcos emitida pelo Reichsbank em 22 de Agosto de 1923 (http://pt.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ficheiro:100_Millionen_Mark.jpg), é uma face visível desta trágica realidade que as Pessoas alemãs e húngaras viveram no período do após guerra.

Os Estados Unidos da América no actual contexto histórico, têm podido emitir dólares para financiar os seus défices externos e públicos, bem como a injecção de liquidez no sistema financeiro para fazer face à crise de forte empolamento bélico, materialista e especulativo, manifestada a partir de 2007-2008, com especial incidência em 2009.

Esta situação histórica ainda hoje influencia fortemente a política monetária europeia, bastante determinada pela Alemanha e pelo trauma vivido de moeda fraca, apesar dos crescentes desfasamentos no seio da zona euro, nomeadamente liderados pela Itália, contra a moeda forte, que prejudica fortemente as economias latinas (Itália, França, Espanha, Portugal) e gregas (Grécia e Chipre).

As últimas posições do Banco Central Europeu mais flexíveis, mostram a crescente complexidade das relações de força no seio da Europa para fazer face à crise sem comprometer a prudência alemã em matéria de políticas monetária e orçamental.


O membro do Partido Social Democrata Alemão (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschland SPD) que vai liderar a disputa das eleições legislativas de 2013 na Alemanha, que vão determinar um novo Governo, e que tem hipóteses de vitória em coligação com a Aliança 90/Os Verdes (Bündnis 90/Die Grünen), tem posições mais flexíveis e diferenciadas em relação à coligação no poder conservadora-liberal, constituída pela União Democrata-Cristã (Demokratische Union Deutschlands - CDU), pela União Social-Cristã na Baviera (Christlich-Soziale Union in Bayern e. V. - CSU) e pelo Partido Democrático Liberal (Freie Demokratische Partei - FDP). 

 



Peer Steinbrück, ex-Ministro das Finanças no Governo de coligação CDU/SPD (2005-2009), poderá ter evitado uma crise na Alemanha em 2008, e após assumir a sua posição, declarou ao conservador «Die Welt»:
«Não podemos tornar mais exigentes as condições. Os gregos têm de se manter fiéis aos seus compromissos, mas nós também lhes temos de dar mais tempo. (...) [a] chanceler tem de finalmente dizer a verdade ao povo alemão: a Grécia não vai conseguir empréstimos nos mercados financeiros nos próximos sete ou oito anos. E vamos ter de continuar a ajudar até lá (...) as ondas de choque, políticas e económicas, seriam devastadoras (...)»

No Parlamento Alemão (Bundestag) declarou que Angela Merkel de defende "uma democracia em conformidade com os mercados financeiros, em vez de mercados em conformidade com a democracia" (...) é responsável por a Alemanha estar a mergulhar numa união de transferências e de riscos financeiros" (...) "ao contrário do que pretende fazer crer, rezar para que o Banco Central Europeu compre dívida pública" dos países mais vulneráveis.»

Vejamos este artigo de Barbara Böttcher do DEUTSCHE BANK Research de 28 de Setembro de 2012:
http://www.dbresearch.de/servlet/reweb2.ReWEB?addmenu=false&document=PROD0000000000295100&rdShowArchivedDocus=true&rwnode=DBR_INTERNET_DE-PROD$NAVIGATION&rwobj=ReDisplay.Start.class&rwsite=DBR_INTERNET_DE-PROD
September 28, 2012

«Peer Steinbrück to rival Chancellor Merkel

• Today, Peer Steinbrück, former German minister of finance, announced that he will be running as the Social Democrats’ candidate for chancellor in next year’s federal election.
• Peer Steinbrück enjoys the highest popularity among the SPD’s top echelons, which has been one reason for the other members of the so-called SPD Troika, party leader Gabriel and parliamentary leader Steinmeier, to step aside. The relevant party bodies will meet on Monday to decide over the further process, with the SPD party congress on Dec 5/6, 2012 likely to formally appoint him as their candidate.
• Steinbrück’s candidacy will provide a serious challenge for Chancellor Merkel and her party. His popularity reaches into the traditional conservative electorate and he is seen by many as a credible alternative given his performance as finance minister during the financial crisis 2007/2008. Since he has re-stated on various occasions that he will not be available for serving in a grand coalition under Merkel once again voters will be forced to decide one way or the other.
• Steinbrück might find it more difficult to convince his own party members to follow him. He is not undisputed, given his strong support for Germany’s labour market and social reforms in the past decade and his rather pro-business approach in economic policy. His proposals on financial regulation – presented this week - are much more in line with his party’s mood, though. However, an election platform integrating Steinbrück’s position and that of his party on various issues will be not easy.

Peer Steinbrück, the former German finance minister in the grand coalition of SPD/CDU/CSU between 2005 and 2009, has announced that he will run against Chancellor Merkel in the federal elections in September/ October 2013. While this point in time comes as a surprise – the SPD has insisted it will decide on this issue at the beginning of next year – the candidate himself does not. Steinbrueck has scored best against Merkel in terms of popularity compared to the other two members of the SPD Troika, party leader Gabriel and parliamentary leader Steinmeier, albeit still with a substantial gap to Merkel. Asked which person they would favour as chancellor, the latest polls rank Merkel at 53% and Steinbrueck at 36%.

Given his performance during the financial crisis 2007/2008 Steinbrück enjoys high credibility in the German public. His positions on various issues, however, do not necessarily coincide with those of his party. In some ways, his somewhat distant relationship with his party resembles that of ex-chancellor Helmut Schmidt. Thus, it will be interesting to see how far the SPD is willing to follow him on controversial issues and how far Steinbrück’s willingness to subscribe to populistic party positions will go. Some of his major political messages are:

• European economic policy: Mutualisation of sovereign and financial risks on a European level in order to mitigate international market exaggerations - but only after a full-fledged coordination of fiscal and economic policies. In order to prevent moral hazard, there is a need for an institution in the euro area that has full-fledged rights of intervention in national economic, fiscal and financial policies.
• Financial market regulation: A comprehensive proposal had been tabled at the beginning of this week (see German Policy Watch of Sept 26).
• Fiscal and tax policy: As German finance minister Steinbrück resisted spending desires and consolidated the federal budget. He also supported implementation of a final withholding tax on capital income to fight tax evasion and to reduce the top income tax rate to 42%. In light of the financial and sovereign crisis he now argues that the state needs more funds and that the rich should contribute more to finance public spending by an increase in income tax (up to 49%) and a one-off wealth levy for private assets above EUR 1 bn and an increase in the taxation of revenues from capital investment (currently 25%).
• Social and labour market policy: He defends a sustainable social policy that can be accommodated in an ageing society and argues for a labour market policy aiming at more flexibility. In some of the respective elements of such strategies he is in clear conflict with the left wing of the SPD and the labour unions.

Steinbrück’s candidacy is likely to shake up the political landscape in the run-up to the federal election in September/ October 2013. Steinbrück made clear that he is not running to form a grand coalition but to oust Chancellor Merkel and her conservative-liberal government. While not known as an active supporter of an SPD/ Green coalition in the past, this might not be the only option for him to assume power. In long-term polling, the two camps (conservatives and liberals versus Social Democrats and Greens) are of similar strength, and both might well fail to reach a majority of votes in parliament. Therefore, the key alternative to another grand coalition is a “traffic light” coalition of Social Democrats, Greens and liberals (FDP) on the presumption of the liberals entering the parliament by passing the 5% hurdle once again. The long-awaited decision for a candidate should give a boost to the SPD which so far polls at 30% and its potential junior partner, the Greens, at 14%. Whether his candidacy will become a game changer and lead to a new government by autumn next year remains open, though.

Author:

Barbara Böttcher »

Vejamos ainda este artigo de Klaus Deutsch também do DEUTSCHE BANK Research de 26-09-2012 sobre as propostas de Peer Steinbrück nas dimensões monetárias e financeiras (http://www.dbresearch.de/servlet/reweb2.ReWEB?addmenu=false&document=PROD0000000000294933&rdShowArchivedDocus=true&rwnode=DBR_INTERNET_DE-PROD$NAVIGATION&rwobj=ReDisplay.Start.class&rwsite=DBR_INTERNET_DE-PROD:)

September 26, 2012

Peer Steinbrück’s proposals on banking and finance

• Yesterday, Peer Steinbrück presented his detailed regulatory proposals to the Social Democratic faction in the Bundestag. He calls for a legal and institutional separation of investment banking from commercial and retail banking and for a shift to bank holding companies for systemically important German banks.
• Steinbrück calls for a tight regulation of proprietary trading of banks.
• Steinbrück also calls for the establishment of a European bank resolution fund for systemic banks. This fund would collect fees from the financial industry and from a Financial Transactions Tax and issue debt which would have to be purchased by systemic banks. The fund should have a size of EUR 150-200 bn and act as a “banking ESM”. For smaller banks, national schemes are proposed. Steinbrück also calls for comprehensive EU bank insolvency and resolution legislation.
• Steinbrück supports the establishment of centralised banking supervision for systemic banks with ultimate systemic stability prerogatives over national supervisors which would retain day-to-day supervision of small and medium-sized banks.
• A broader debate on the regulatory framework of banking in Germany is now likely. The German government is still keeping its powder dry in advance of the publication of the Liikanen report on the future of European banking to Commissioner Barnier. The official position of the German government has been in favour of retaining universal banking, and the speaker on banking and finance of the conservative faction in parliament argued yesterday that Steinbrück’s approach is not shared by the coalition.
• The political dynamics in an election year may well lead to a narrowing of political differences between the centre-right coalition parties and the Social Democrats (and the centre-left parties) on banking legislation. Of key importance are the elections in September or October 2013, however. If the SPD re-enters a governing coalition, complex negotiations on these issues will ensue. Since yesterday, the future of universal banking in Germany is in doubt, for the first time in history.

Steinbrück’s proposals

In a policy paper presented to the Social Democratic faction in parliament yesterday and to the public today, former finance minister and potential candidate for the chancellery Peer Steinbrück presented his proposals on banking and finance. He lays out his agenda for regulating banking and finance along and, in a few instances, beyond the G20 agenda. There are strong similarities to the British and US debates (Volcker rule and Vickers report).

Regulatory limitation of investment banking: Peer Steinbrück’s first recommendation is a strict limitation of proprietary trading. Banks engaging in that business should not be allowed to hold equity stakes in retail or commercial banks and should not have access to ECB financing. Steinbrück suggests to exempt trading in sovereign bonds, client orders and the hedging of bank risks from this ban.

Separation of investment banking: The key recommendation is a mandatory legal and institutional separation of investment banking from corporate and retail banking in Germany and the establishment of holding companies of systemic banks. The subsidiaries would have to have separate boards, accounting and balance sheets. Capital transactions, risk sharing and lending between the parts of the holdings should be supervised and can be limited by the supervisory authorities. The prohibition of equity participation in proprietary trading business would apply inside the holding as well. The holding could maintain IT and infrastructure on common systems. In a solvency crisis, shareholders and bondholders should take a hit first but retail and commercial banking would be protected by voluntary and/or public deposit insurance schemes.

A restructuring fund: Steinbrück calls for a “banking ESM”, a pan-European banking resolution scheme and institution for systemic banks financed by banking industry fees. This fund should be authorised to restructure and close insolvent banks or recapitalise parts of failing banks. Decisions should be taken by the fund and the new centralised supervisor emerging from the single supervisory mechanism, i.e. the ECB. A mandatory bail-in of bondholders should be part of the process, and shareholders would have to take full risk as well. This fund should have a size of EUR 150-200 bn in its final stage. During the very long transition phase of collecting these funds, it should have the right to issue debt. This debt should be purchased by the banking industry itself. The ECB would facilitate this process. As there are some 30 systemic banks in the EU, each bank would have to purchase fund debt in the order of EUR 5-7 bn on average but fees would be structured in accordance with systemic relevance and the risk position of the bank. A first guidance would be the assumed interest rate advantage of systemic banks that capital markets provide on the alleged assumption of an implicit state guarantee. For smaller and medium-sized banks, national restructuring and resolution funds should be established as well. Steinbrück also calls for an EU-wide legal resolution framework. Note: the net profit of all EU-27 banks over the five years from 2007 to 2011 was EUR 150 bn.

Tight restrictions on shadow banking: Steinbrück calls for the application of bank capital rules to leveraged institutions (hedge funds and private equity funds). Other institutions engaged in lending should follow the same risk management rules as banks. Deposit-taking institutions or money market funds should have deposit or asset insurance schemes similar to banks. Other institutions engaging in large-scale term transformation should apply the same liquidity rules as banks. Bank SPVs should be tighter regulated as well. Bank lending to leveraged institutions should be subject to much higher capital requirements. Steinbrück also calls for strict regulation of the repo and the securities lending business and the mandatory transition of all those transactions to central counterparties.

Banking supervision: Steinbrück argues in favour of placing the ECB at the centre of banking supervision of systemic banks but not of savings and loans and co-operative banks. He argues that a separate organisational body inside the ECB should perform the supervisory task. He also calls for democratic oversight by the European Parliament. He suggests empowering the ECB with strong intervention powers overruling national supervisors in setting certain macro-prudential policy objectives which apply to nationally supervised banks and in safeguarding European financial market stability.

Commodity business regulation: Steinbrück advocates a ban on “commodity speculation”, i.e. transactions that are not related to a commodity business in the first place. In particular, he suggests prohibiting listed index and investment funds engaged in foodstuffs, agricultural and energy commodities, prohibiting commodity derivatives transactions not related to real commodity transactions and the physical ownership of commodities by banks. He also calls for ex-ante position limits for financial institutions.

Steinbrück also suggests to make the prohibition of “naked” short-selling, which currently applies to sovereign bonds, a general rule. He also proposes a ban on high-frequency trading, a matter on which the German government itself will table its legislative proposals within the next few weeks. He calls for the licensing of algorithms by the supervisory authority itself, mandatory stress tests of the algorithms and minimum holding rules.

Other policy positions advocated by Peer Steinbrück and the SPD are:

• the introduction of a financial transactions tax in a number of European countries on the basis of the Commission proposal but extended to transactions by foreign subsidiaries of EU banks, foreign exchange and non-EU trading in securities of EU-domiciled issues of these securities and the use of tax revenue for spending on European youth unemployment and banking stabilisation (see above),
• the restructuring of Landesbanken in Germany into two or three large institutions,
• a binding leverage ratio for banks in addition to increases in capital in banks in the wake of the EU capital requirements,
• limiting the tax deductibility of managerial compensation at banks starting at EUR 500.000 and introducing a stable relationship between variable and fixed salary components at a maximum ratio of 1:1,
• a new business model of rating agencies, at least the severing of the link of capital rules and ratings, and the establishment of a European rating agency in the legal form of a foundation,
• tough constraints on over-the-counter derivatives business but no particular calls for rules going beyond EU legislation (EMIR and EMIL),
• the re-introduction of a wealth tax yielding EUR 10 bn per annum and
• an increase in the flat tax rate on capital income from 25% to 32%.

The Social Democrats already presented some of the more general policy positions in spring 2012. In mid-July, Sigmar Gabriel, chairman of the Social Democratic Party, tabled a paper on banking regulation along similar lines. He argued that the 2013 elections should become a referendum on whether banks can be brought into conformity with democracy again. He also called for introducing conditions on interest rates charged to clients for funds obtained from the ECB. A May 2012 discussion draft by the Social Democrats on financial regulation contained most of these points as well.

The German government and the conservative and liberal parties and factions in the Bundestag still continue to support universal banking in Germany, whereas the political left has now moved against it. In any case, the odds for changes to the legal framework of banking in Germany have risen considerably, and Germany has its separation debate, too.

Author: 

Klaus Deutsch»