«Two birds» (1938)
thesis: right (direita)
antithesis: left (esquerda)
sinthesis: each one for him side (cada um por seu lado)
«Swans» (1956)
thesis: face (verso)
antithesis: reverse (reverso)
sinthesis: face and reverse infinite finite (verso e reverso infinito finito)
The dialectic position versus oposition (poziția față de opoziție in Romanian language) have many cultural and strategic political ways ...
In Portugal right now, we have a singular situation: after a long way (two years) with guidelines with a lot of errors, with a great subservience, the position lost the majority of the majority of the votes in 2011 and finnaly accept fair proposals from the only democratic opposition, the Partido Socialista of the Progressive Aliance, 8 in a total 10:
- Change public debt to non financial companies in public debt to financial companies to inflow cash in real economy;
- Renewal of credit insurance lines for exports to OECD markets;
- Legal implementation of the crowdfundig for companies;
- Fiscal equality between interests linked to equity and liabilities (financial debt), at the moment favored, one of the factors for a big level of leverage in companies;
- Fiscal discrimination between reinvested earnings and dividends for shareholders;
- Reimbursement of TVA by state to companies by more easy guarantees;
- Equality between the interest rate that state pay and that companies and families pay to state (higher);
- Current account between state and companies for credits balance with debts.
Are not accepted by position:
- Annulation of the TVA rate increase from 13% to 23%, for food and beverage services (39.000 companies, 75000 employments losted follow sector association);
- End of the veto by the State of lawsuits on protection of creditors.
We hope that we can have more fair and logical proposals approved in the the immediate future. CONGRATULATIONS TO DEMOCRATIC OPPOSITION AND FOR IT LEADER! This is a clear demonstration that Goverment and Troika are to much distant of Value Creation needs.
Elections for local government come soon, and government turns more flexible but don´t have ideas, despite the lot of money that spend with bad advises. WHAT A SHAME!
Despite that prime minister of Portugal still with him K7 (like the stalinists of Comunist Party):
«Se me pergunta se o Orçamento do Estado para 2014 prevê uma baixa dos impostos muito me surpreenderia se isso acontecesse».
«Não me comprometo com esta antecedência com resultados que não sei se podemos concretizar»
«Estamos a trabalhar para conseguir o equilíbrio orçamental e estamos a trabalhar para que a despesa pública se adapte às possibilidades dos contribuintes e não o contrário. Isso não é possível obter rapidamente, num curto espaço de tempo»
«Não sairemos da crise amanhã».
With the political options of the Government and Troika, public debt and deficit, insolvencies and unemployment increased with brutal taxes!
But, incredible, TSF radio (http://www.tsf.pt/PaginaInicial/Economia/Interior.aspx?content_id=3295752&page=-1) said about an unsucessful influence of Ministério das Finanças (leaded by the quadratic and subservient Minister of Finances, Vítor Gaspar) over parlamentary majority to not approve all proposals of Partido Socialista:
«São 13 páginas aparentemente ignoradas pelos deputados da maioria.
O documento elaborado pelo Ministério das Finanças, a que a TSF teve acesso, foi enviado para as bancadas do PSD e do CDS na quinta-feira, no próprio dia do debate potestativo marcado pelo PS, e avança com argumentos contra as 10 medidas socialistas para estimular a economia e o emprego.
Nesta nota técnica das finanças, uma a uma, as medidas do PS merecem uma de duas classificações - «inúteis» ou «redundantes».
Entre as seis medidas que acabaram aprovadas na quinta-feira, umas com os votos favoráveis da maioria, outras com a abstenção de PSD e CDS, a mais emblemática é o pagamento das dívidas do Estado a fornecedores, com recurso a crédito da CGD.
Ora, em relação a essa medida do PS, o ministério de Vítor Gaspar afirma que não resolve o problema de longo prazo, transfere a responsabilidade para a banca, e viola um dos princípios básicos da lei dos compromissos, o de que nenhum serviço do Estado pode assumir compromissos financeiros para os quais não tem fundos disponíveis. Mais, as finanças afirmam que esta medida acrescenta custos, não quantificados, à despesa do Estado.
No documento a que a TSF teve acesso, há extensos argumentos jurídicos, fiscais, e administrativos, contra cada uma das 10 propostas do Partido Socialista.
Deputados das direções das duas bancadas da maioria, contactados esta manhã pela TSF, garantem que a aprovação das medidas do PS foi acertada com as Finanças num gesto que se queria de aproximação aos socialistas e que foi promovido sobretudo pelo CDS.
De qualquer forma, este poderá ser apenas um gesto simbólico com prazo de validade muito curto.
Ao que garantem as fontes contactadas pela TSF, as propostas do PS só vão regressar ao plenário, para votação final global, se forem moldadas às exigências da maioria durante o debate na especialidade na Comissão de Orçamento e Finanças.
Na opinião de Pedro Adão e Silva, comentador do Bloco Central TSF, este caso é sintomático, e só pode significar que o ministro Vítor Gaspar está a prazo no Governo.»
Vítor Gaspar is a «marionette» of the Finance Minister of German Government that have recently, this kind of position: austerity must still in european countries in dificulties, be careful with incentives to investment and consumption, internal demand! To create, for example, not necessary imports of cars and submarines from Germany yes, but to create value for the world and for Portugal by exports and by imports substitution yes!
Is not a surprise what Der Spiegel said about Germany (http://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/diw-weak-infrastructure-investment-threatens-german-future-a-907885.html):
«(...) For quite some time now, Germans have suspected there is little reason for complacency. Anyone who travels through the country will notice roads full of potholes, disused railway tracks and dilapidated schools. And anyone who works for one of the country's large industrial companies also knows that most new production plants are built abroad, not in Germany.
Now, economists have translated Germany's deficiencies into hard numbers. The German Institute of Economic Research (DIW) is presenting a study this week that proves Germany is not Europe's economic hegemon, as British weekly The Economist recently suggested on its cover. Instead, the DIW paints the picture of an ailing economy that has been seriously out of balance for years.
Germans save more money than most living in the industrialized world, but they invest very little in their future, making them much weaker economically than leading politicians realize. According to the study, Germany is saving itself to death.
Chronic Lack of Investment
The diagnosis is alarming. Although Germany has weathered the financial and economic crisis better than all other large industrialized nations and created over a million new jobs, this comes largely thanks to years of wage restraint by the country's trade unions.
To make matters worse, the productivity of these jobs -- a decisive aspect of long-term growth and prosperity -- has contributed just as little to the current upswing as consumer demand, which has been an important growth driver in other countries.
The Berlin institute points to a chronic lack of investments as the main cause for this low productivity. Both the state and the private sector spend too little money on inffrastructure, education, plants and machinery.
"Despite all the successes of the past few years, Germany has not created an investment basis to ensure robust growth," the researchers conclude.
In other words, Germany is living off its reserves. Bridges are crumbling, factories and universities are deteriorating, and not enough is being spent to maintain phone networks. This has resulted in a massive impoverishment of the country, according to DIW calculations.
Nearly 15 years ago, the state's net assets still corresponded to 20 percent of gross domestic product (GDP). When adjusted for inflation, this amounts to nearly €500 billion ($650 billion). By 2011, this had dwindled to 0.5 percent of GDP, or a mere €13 billion, primarily due to systematic neglect.
All of Germany's political parties have pledged to spend more money on highways, transportation and education during the upcoming legislative period -- but they have often made such promises in the past. In the end, however, the already meager budgets for investment were slashed and the money was distributed to preferential groups of voters. It could be a similar story this time around.
Good at Saving, Bad at Investing
The investment gaps keep getting bigger, too. The investment rate, or the proportion of the domestic product used for investment, has been declining for years. In 1999, it was still at 20 percent, but today it's down to just 17 percent. Year after year, tens of billions of euros have been missing for the sorely needed maintenance of highways, railways and machinery.
Since 1999, this has grown to become a colossal renewal backlog amounting to a trillion euros, according to the researchers' calculations. There's a simple adage in economics: Today's investments are tomorrow's growth. Accordingly, yesterday's investment gap is today's loss in prosperity.
The DIW researchers have calculated the impact of this shortfall over the years. If the Germans had invested as much as the average euro-zone country over the past 15 years, annual per capita growth would have been one percentage point higher -- and the Germans would be much more affluent today.
That's not to say that the Germans are poor, though. The country's savers put aside more money than practically any other industrialized nation. This is actually a good sign because savings form the basis for investments in an economy -- at least in a normal situation.
But for some time, nothing has been normal in Germany in this respect. Not only have the Germans placed a large proportion of their nest egg abroad, but the money invested there has not produced "the expected returns," as the DIW report says. "Since 1999, German investors have lost some €400 billion through bad investments abroad."
German industrial giants have been the main victims of this botched investment strategy. Telecommunications giant Deutsche Telekom, for example, wiped out shareholders' assets to the tune of €40 billion when it acquired two US mobile phone operators. The same thing happened to Daimler when it purchased American carmaker Chrysler for far too much. Eventually, both investments had to be largely written off as a loss.
But private individuals and banks also lost vast amounts of money. They purchased US securities, acquired a stake in office buildings in Dublin or invested in Spanish resorts. A large proportion of these assets disappeared, evaporating in the chaos of the global financial and European Union debt crisis.
If the Germans had invested their money at home, not only would they have received higher yields, but their country's economy would have grown more rapidly, DIW researchers discovered. This also would have produced higher tax revenues for the government.
The economists draw a clear conclusion from their analysis: The
government has to spend more money on day care centers and domestic
railway lines while creating incentives for more private investments in
areas such as the energy and telecommunications sectors.
An investment package worth €75 billion a year would not only help
fuel domestic growth, but also "bolster the Spanish and Italian
economies," says DIW head Marcel Fratzscher.
At first glance, that may sound like the end of strict German budgetary policies, as politicians in Southern Europe have been urging for some time now, but in reality the DIW program is nothing of the sort. The researchers don't propose taking on additional debts. Instead, the government's money would be directed to where it produces the maximum economic benefit -- for example, in the transportation network of the western German state of North Rhine-Westphalia, Germany's commercial and industrial heartland. (...)»
But, incredible, TSF radio (http://www.tsf.pt/PaginaInicial/Economia/Interior.aspx?content_id=3295752&page=-1) said about an unsucessful influence of Ministério das Finanças (leaded by the quadratic and subservient Minister of Finances, Vítor Gaspar) over parlamentary majority to not approve all proposals of Partido Socialista:
«São 13 páginas aparentemente ignoradas pelos deputados da maioria.
O documento elaborado pelo Ministério das Finanças, a que a TSF teve acesso, foi enviado para as bancadas do PSD e do CDS na quinta-feira, no próprio dia do debate potestativo marcado pelo PS, e avança com argumentos contra as 10 medidas socialistas para estimular a economia e o emprego.
Nesta nota técnica das finanças, uma a uma, as medidas do PS merecem uma de duas classificações - «inúteis» ou «redundantes».
Entre as seis medidas que acabaram aprovadas na quinta-feira, umas com os votos favoráveis da maioria, outras com a abstenção de PSD e CDS, a mais emblemática é o pagamento das dívidas do Estado a fornecedores, com recurso a crédito da CGD.
Ora, em relação a essa medida do PS, o ministério de Vítor Gaspar afirma que não resolve o problema de longo prazo, transfere a responsabilidade para a banca, e viola um dos princípios básicos da lei dos compromissos, o de que nenhum serviço do Estado pode assumir compromissos financeiros para os quais não tem fundos disponíveis. Mais, as finanças afirmam que esta medida acrescenta custos, não quantificados, à despesa do Estado.
No documento a que a TSF teve acesso, há extensos argumentos jurídicos, fiscais, e administrativos, contra cada uma das 10 propostas do Partido Socialista.
Deputados das direções das duas bancadas da maioria, contactados esta manhã pela TSF, garantem que a aprovação das medidas do PS foi acertada com as Finanças num gesto que se queria de aproximação aos socialistas e que foi promovido sobretudo pelo CDS.
De qualquer forma, este poderá ser apenas um gesto simbólico com prazo de validade muito curto.
Ao que garantem as fontes contactadas pela TSF, as propostas do PS só vão regressar ao plenário, para votação final global, se forem moldadas às exigências da maioria durante o debate na especialidade na Comissão de Orçamento e Finanças.
Na opinião de Pedro Adão e Silva, comentador do Bloco Central TSF, este caso é sintomático, e só pode significar que o ministro Vítor Gaspar está a prazo no Governo.»
Vítor Gaspar is a «marionette» of the Finance Minister of German Government that have recently, this kind of position: austerity must still in european countries in dificulties, be careful with incentives to investment and consumption, internal demand! To create, for example, not necessary imports of cars and submarines from Germany yes, but to create value for the world and for Portugal by exports and by imports substitution yes!
Is not a surprise what Der Spiegel said about Germany (http://www.spiegel.de/international/germany/diw-weak-infrastructure-investment-threatens-german-future-a-907885.html):
«(...) For quite some time now, Germans have suspected there is little reason for complacency. Anyone who travels through the country will notice roads full of potholes, disused railway tracks and dilapidated schools. And anyone who works for one of the country's large industrial companies also knows that most new production plants are built abroad, not in Germany.
Now, economists have translated Germany's deficiencies into hard numbers. The German Institute of Economic Research (DIW) is presenting a study this week that proves Germany is not Europe's economic hegemon, as British weekly The Economist recently suggested on its cover. Instead, the DIW paints the picture of an ailing economy that has been seriously out of balance for years.
Germans save more money than most living in the industrialized world, but they invest very little in their future, making them much weaker economically than leading politicians realize. According to the study, Germany is saving itself to death.
Chronic Lack of Investment
The diagnosis is alarming. Although Germany has weathered the financial and economic crisis better than all other large industrialized nations and created over a million new jobs, this comes largely thanks to years of wage restraint by the country's trade unions.
To make matters worse, the productivity of these jobs -- a decisive aspect of long-term growth and prosperity -- has contributed just as little to the current upswing as consumer demand, which has been an important growth driver in other countries.
The Berlin institute points to a chronic lack of investments as the main cause for this low productivity. Both the state and the private sector spend too little money on inffrastructure, education, plants and machinery.
"Despite all the successes of the past few years, Germany has not created an investment basis to ensure robust growth," the researchers conclude.
In other words, Germany is living off its reserves. Bridges are crumbling, factories and universities are deteriorating, and not enough is being spent to maintain phone networks. This has resulted in a massive impoverishment of the country, according to DIW calculations.
Nearly 15 years ago, the state's net assets still corresponded to 20 percent of gross domestic product (GDP). When adjusted for inflation, this amounts to nearly €500 billion ($650 billion). By 2011, this had dwindled to 0.5 percent of GDP, or a mere €13 billion, primarily due to systematic neglect.
All of Germany's political parties have pledged to spend more money on highways, transportation and education during the upcoming legislative period -- but they have often made such promises in the past. In the end, however, the already meager budgets for investment were slashed and the money was distributed to preferential groups of voters. It could be a similar story this time around.
Good at Saving, Bad at Investing
The investment gaps keep getting bigger, too. The investment rate, or the proportion of the domestic product used for investment, has been declining for years. In 1999, it was still at 20 percent, but today it's down to just 17 percent. Year after year, tens of billions of euros have been missing for the sorely needed maintenance of highways, railways and machinery.
Since 1999, this has grown to become a colossal renewal backlog amounting to a trillion euros, according to the researchers' calculations. There's a simple adage in economics: Today's investments are tomorrow's growth. Accordingly, yesterday's investment gap is today's loss in prosperity.
The DIW researchers have calculated the impact of this shortfall over the years. If the Germans had invested as much as the average euro-zone country over the past 15 years, annual per capita growth would have been one percentage point higher -- and the Germans would be much more affluent today.
That's not to say that the Germans are poor, though. The country's savers put aside more money than practically any other industrialized nation. This is actually a good sign because savings form the basis for investments in an economy -- at least in a normal situation.
But for some time, nothing has been normal in Germany in this respect. Not only have the Germans placed a large proportion of their nest egg abroad, but the money invested there has not produced "the expected returns," as the DIW report says. "Since 1999, German investors have lost some €400 billion through bad investments abroad."
German industrial giants have been the main victims of this botched investment strategy. Telecommunications giant Deutsche Telekom, for example, wiped out shareholders' assets to the tune of €40 billion when it acquired two US mobile phone operators. The same thing happened to Daimler when it purchased American carmaker Chrysler for far too much. Eventually, both investments had to be largely written off as a loss.
But private individuals and banks also lost vast amounts of money. They purchased US securities, acquired a stake in office buildings in Dublin or invested in Spanish resorts. A large proportion of these assets disappeared, evaporating in the chaos of the global financial and European Union debt crisis.
If the Germans had invested their money at home, not only would they have received higher yields, but their country's economy would have grown more rapidly, DIW researchers discovered. This also would have produced higher tax revenues for the government.
At first glance, that may sound like the end of strict German budgetary policies, as politicians in Southern Europe have been urging for some time now, but in reality the DIW program is nothing of the sort. The researchers don't propose taking on additional debts. Instead, the government's money would be directed to where it produces the maximum economic benefit -- for example, in the transportation network of the western German state of North Rhine-Westphalia, Germany's commercial and industrial heartland. (...)»