UCRÂNIA VII - UCRAINA VII - UKRAINE VII

Ukraine waiting for the desired Presidential Election of May 25, and until democratic legitimation, Ukraine have a new President and a new Goverrnment.
Oposition become position at the moment.
Russian bear is nervous with the rebelion against it influence, but he create all historical conditions for that.

TAURICA created by the openess of Black Sea, Crimea is now under Russian pressure to closing it reality to political changes in Ukraine, with a majority of the population of Russians (in 2011 1,18 millions in 2 millions) and minorities of Ukrainians (0,492 millions) and Crimean Tartars (0,243 millions).

«Holocen variation of sea level, Marmara & Black sea, since Pitman & Ryan» Spiridon Ion Cepleanu (Wikipedia) http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/deed.ro

ITÁLIA X - ITALIA X - ITALY X

The ethical Enrico Letta and the ambitious Matteo Renzi that catch the silver bell, symbol of prime minister power in Italy ...

The Government ... (copyright: Attribuzione: Presidenza della Repubblica - Italia)

The ministers:
Interior: Angelino Alfano (Nuovo Centrodestra - NCd)

Affari Esteri: Federica Mogherini (Partito Democratico - PD)
Giustizia: Andrea Orlando (Partito Democratico - PD)
Difesa: Roberta Pinnoti (Partito Democratico - PD)
Sviluppo Economico: Federica Guidi (indipendente)
Economia e Finanze: Pier Carlo Padoan (indipendente)
Infrastrutture e Transporti: Maurizio Lupi (Nuovo Centrodestra - NCd)
Salute: Beatrice Lorenzin (Nuovo Centrodestra - NCd)
Politiche Agricole Alimentari e Forestali: Maurizio Martina (Partito Democratico - PD)
Istruzione, Università e Ricerca: Stefania Giannini (Scelta Civica - SC)
Lavoro e Politiche Sociali: Guiliano Poletti (indipendente)
Ambiente e Tutela del Territorio e del Mare: Gianluca Galletti (Unione di Centro - UdC)
Beni e Attività Culturali e Turismo: Dario Franceschini (Partito Democratico - PD)
Presidenza del Consiglio dei ministri:
Affari Regionali, Autonomie e Sport: Maria Carmela Lanzetta (Partito Democratico - PD)
Riforme Istituzionali e Rapporti con il Parlamento: Maria Elena Boschi  (Partito Democratico - PD)
Semplificazione e Pubblica Amministrazione: Marianna Madia (Partito Democratico - PD)


Istruzione, Università e Ricerca: Stefania Giannini (Scelta Civica - SC): very happy!

«I presidenti e le ministre. Il capo dello Stato Napolitano e il premier Renzi posano con le otto signore di questo nuovo governo. Da sinistra: Guidi, Giannini, Lorenzin, Pinotti, Mogherini, Lanzetta, Madia, Boschi. (...) (ansa)» http://www.repubblica.it/politica/2014/02/22/foto/giuramento_governo_renzi_all_insegna_del_colore-79336929/1/?rss&ref=frct1&_vmx=632664#1

«L'Italia necessita di stabilità e di riforme. (...) il problema non è cosa fare, ma farlo". Mario Draghi
Sure?! Also will do bad policies like Troika influenced a very bad Government in Portugal?!

«Innovazione e uguaglianza, la mia idea di destra e sinistra nell'Europa della crisi» Mateo Renzi (http://www.repubblica.it/politica/2014/02/23/news/manifesto_renzi-79396548/?ref=HREA-1):
«(...) "Centro-sinistra" o "centrosinistra" era la nuova disputa guelfi-ghibellini, tra chi pensava il campo progressista come un litigioso condominio, caseggiato rumoroso di partiti gelosi delle proprie convenienze e confini e chi, invece, vagheggiava il Partito-Coalizione, area politica aperta, il cui orizzonte schiudeva l'universo del campo progressista.

In questo incrocio, che ha opposto due linee in parte intente a far baruffa ancora adesso, c'è il Partito democratico, la parola "sinistra" come un laboratorio, sempre in trasformazione, sempre ineludibile.
Una frontiera, non un museo. Curiosità, non nostalgia. Coraggio, non paura. Erano quelli gli anni dell'Ulivo, il progetto di Romano Prodi di abbattere gli steccati che separavano gli eredi del Partito comunista da quelli della Democrazia cristiana, di una forza che raccogliesse istanze liberal-democratiche, ambientaliste, in una nuova unità, una nuova cultura politica semplicemente, finalmente potremmo dire, "democratica".

Erano, nel mondo, gli anni della "terza via", di Bill Clinton e Tony Blair, una rotta per evitare Scilla e Cariddi, tra gli estremismi della sinistra irriducibile e la destra diventata, dopo Reagan e Thatcher, una maschera di durezze. Qualcuno pensò allora perfino che la sinistra fosse ormai uno strumento inservibile, non più adeguato a un mondo nuovo, sulla spinta di quella che si chiamava globalizzazione, dove finiva il XX secolo della guerra fredda e cominciava il XXI, tutto individuale e personal, dalla tecnologia alla politica.

A fare da sentinella, non per custodire e conservare, ma per richiamare alla sostanza delle cose, alla loro forza, il filosofo Norberto Bobbio - or sono venti anni esatti - pensò di tirare una linea, per segnalare dove la divisione tra destra e sinistra ancora teneva e tiene. Suggerendo che la scelta cruciale resti sempre la stessa, storica, radicale, un referendum tra eguaglianza e diseguaglianza, come dal XVIII secolo in avanti. Mi chiedo se oggi che la seduzione della "terza via" - che pure nel socialismo liberale, nell'utopia azionista di Bobbio, ha trovato più che un riflesso - si è sublimata perdendo slancio, la coppia eguaglianza/diseguaglianza non riesca a riassorbire integralmente la distinzione destra/sinistra. Basti pensare, a livello europeo, all'insorgere dei populismi e dei movimenti xenofobi contro i quali è chiamato a ridefinirsi il progetto dell'Unione europea, così in crisi. Un magma impossibile da ridurre alla vecchia contraddizione eguali/diseguali a lungo così nitida.
Dal punto di vista del sistema politico, infatti, sono e rimango un convinto bipolarista. Credo che un modello bipartitico, all'americana per intenderci, sia un orizzonte auspicabile, sia pur nel rispetto della storia, delle culture, delle sensibilità e della pluralità che da sempre contraddistinguono il panorama italiano. Ma riflettendo sulla teoria, sui principi fondamentali, non so se, invece, non sia più utile oggi declinare quella diade nei termini temporali di conservazione/ innovazione.

Tiene ancora, dunque, lo schema basato sull'eguaglianza come stella polare a sinistra? In una società sempre più individualizzata, sotto la spinta anche delle nuove tecnologie, dei social network, delle reti che connettono ma anche atomizzano, creando e distruggendo comunità e identità? Come recuperare, dopo anni di diffidenza, anche tra i progressisti, idee come "merito" o "ambizione"? Come evitare che, in un paesaggio sociale tanto mutato, la sinistra perda contatto con gli "ultimi", legata alle fruste teorie anni sessanta e settanta, mentre papa Francesco con calore riesce a parlare la lingua della solidarietà? Certo, l'eguaglianza - non l'egualitarismo - resta la frontiera per i democratici, in un mondo interdipendente, dilaniato da disparità di diritti, reddito, cittadinanza. Eppure era stato lo stesso Bobbio, proprio mentre scandiva quella sua storica dicotomia, a rendersi conto che forse la sua argomentazione aveva bisogno di un'ulteriore dimensione, un diverso respiro temporale, un'altra profondità. "Nel linguaggio politico - scrive Bobbio - occupa un posto molto rilevante, oltre alla metafora spaziale, quella temporale, che permette di distinguere gli innovatori dai conservatori, i progressisti dai tradizionalisti, coloro che guardano al sole dell'avvenire da coloro che procedono guidati dalla inestinguibile luce che vien dal passato. Non è detto che la metafora spaziale, che ha dato origine alla coppia destra-sinistra non possa coincidere, in uno dei significati più frequenti, con quella temporale".

Ecco perché, venti anni dopo il monito di Bobbio, è maturo il tempo per superare i suoi confini, modificati e resi frastagliati dal mondo globale, come insegnano Ulrich Beck e Amartya Sen. Serve una narrazione temporale, dinamica, più ricca. Che non dimentichi radici e origini, sempre da mettere in questione, da problematizzare, ma che, soprattutto, faccia i conti con i tempi nuovi che ci troviamo a vivere, ad attraversare. Aperto/chiuso, dice oggi Blair. Avanti/indietro, chissà, innovazione/conservazione.

E, perché no, movimento/stagnazione. Se la sinistra deve ancora interessarsi degli ultimi, perché è questo interesse specifico che la definisce idealmente come tale, oggi essa deve avere lo sguardo più lungo. Le sicurezze ideologiche del Novecento, elaborate sull'analisi di un mondo organizzato in maniera assai meno complessa di quello contemporaneo, rendevano più semplice il compito della rappresentanza delle istanze degli ultimi e degli esclusi, e del governo del loro desiderio di riscatto. A blocchi sociali definiti e compatti bisognava dare cittadinanza, affinché condizionassero le decisioni sul futuro delle comunità nazionali di cui erano parte. Per la sinistra che, dopo Bad Godesberg, si organizzava in Europa in partiti socialdemocratici postmarxisti (e anticomunisti) era un compito certo faticoso, ma lineare nel suo meccanismo di funzione politica.

Oggi quei blocchi sociali non esistono più ed è un bene che sia così! In fondo tutta la fatica quotidiana del lavoro della sinistra socialdemocratica, cara a Bobbio, era stato quello di scardinare quei blocchi. Allo scopo di offrire agli uomini e alle donne, che erano in quei blocchi costretti, l'opportunità di una vita materiale meno disagevole e di un'esistenza più ricca di esperienze. Con l'invenzione del welfare quella sinistra aveva provveduto a sfamare le bocche e gli animi degli ultimi e degli esclusi, liberandoli dal bisogno materiale - libertà fondamentale anche per la sinistra liberaldemocratica americana di Franklin D. Roosevelt - e fornendo loro l'occasione di realizzare se stessi. L'invenzione socialdemocratica del welfare aveva così conseguito due obiettivi storici. Da un lato, difatti, il welfare aveva soddisfatto la sacrosanta richiesta di maggiore giustizia sociale. Dall'altro, tuttavia, il miglioramento delle condizioni oggettive di vita degli ultimi aveva determinato un beneficio generale per tutte quelle comunità democratiche che non avevano avuto timore di rispondere "Sì!" alla loro domanda di cambiamento.

La sinistra cara a Bobbio, quella socialdemocratica e anticomunista, ha insomma vinto la sua partita. Ma oggi ne stiamo giocando un'altra. Quei blocchi sociali che prima rendevano tutto più semplice non ci sono più. Gli stessi confini nazionali che erano il perimetro entro cui si giocava la partita dell'innovazione del welfare sono ormai messi in discussione. Più che con blocchi sociologicamente definiti entro Stati nazionali storicamente determinati, oggi la nuova partita si svolge con attori e campi da gioco inediti. Quei blocchi sono stati sostituiti da dinamiche sociali irrequiete. I confini nazionali non delimitano più gli spazi entro i quali le nuove dinamiche giocano la loro partita.

Di fronte a questo potente mutamento di prospettiva sociale ed economica, culturale e politica, la sinistra deve mostrare di avere coraggio e non tradire se stessa. Deve accettare di vivere il costante movimento dei tempi presenti e accoglierlo come una benedizione e non come un intralcio. È questo straordinario, irrefrenabile movimento che sfonda la vecchia bidimensionalità della diade destra/sinistra e le dà temporalità e nuova forza. E invece spesso, in Italia e in Europa, la sinistra ne ha paura. Sembra non rendersi conto che il nuovo mondo in cui tutti viviamo è anche il frutto del successo delle proprie politiche, dei cambiamenti occorsi nel Novecento grazie alla sua iniziativa. Perché l'innovazione, quando ha successo, produce un ambiente diverso da quello da cui si è mosso. Un ambiente mutato che chiama al mutamento gli stessi che più hanno concorso a mutarlo. Cambiare se stessi è l'incarico più gravoso di tutti. Eppure non cambiare se stessi, in una realtà che si è contribuito a cambiare, condanna all'incapacità di distinguere i nuovi ultimi e i nuovi esclusi, e all'ignavia di non mettersi subito al loro servizio. Che è proprio quanto successo alla sinistra di tradizione socialdemocratica al cospetto delle sfide del secolo nuovo.

La sinistra è oggi chiamata a riconoscere e a conoscere il movimento continuo delle nuove dinamiche sociali, contro chi vorrebbe vanamente fare appello a blocchi che non esistono più e che è un bene non esistano più! In Italia, più che altrove, la capacità della politica di saper distinguere le dinamiche sociali che interessano gli ultimi e gli esclusi, di saperle intrecciare per dare loro rappresentanza e, infine, di saperne governare il costante movimento per costruire per loro, e per tutti, un paese migliore, è il compito del Partito democratico. È la missione storica della sinistra.»

In my opinion, democratic left and democratic right have many consensus about:
- Person,
- Family,
- Company,
- Nation,
- Liberty
but left is more linked to:
- Humanism
- Optimistic vision of Human Being 
- Active Changing of World oriented by Humanistic Values
- Progress in Evolution
- Alterity
- Tolerance and Forgiveness
- Social Welfare and Well-being by voluntary social action 
- Solidarity and Respect for All Human Beings
- Equality of Opportunities with Social Coesion and respect for minorities
- Universalism

- Defence of Rights against not balanced Duties

- Control of Politics by Civil Society, by Persons 
- Cultural open mind, included about differences
- Tradition is important but questionable
- Social and Political Inovation
- Paticipative dimensions of Representative Democracy
...
So many dimensions about democratic left and democratic right that we can think and that transcend the «pragmatic» Renzi vision ... that defend simplification of political system by bipolarity between «left» (himself and him big ego) and «right» (the others)

TROIKA (TRIGA): ASCENSÃO E QUEDA V - ORTUM ET OCCASUM V - THE RISE AND FALL V

Christine Lagarde and Nemat Shafik of IMF

«Portugal: Tenth Review Under the Extended Arrangement and Request for Waivers of Applicability of end-December Performance Criteria»

http://www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/scr/2014/cr1456.pdf

«Summary: EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The short-term outlook has improved and program implementation remains on track, notwithstanding another adverse Constitutional Court ruling. Stronger domestic demand is supporting a pick-up in activity and lower unemployment. A broad-based recovery in sentiment has led to a decline in yields, allowing Portugal to issue a 5-year bond on favorable terms. The end-September 2013 quantitative PCs were met, and preliminary estimates suggest that the end-December 2013 targets were also met. The authorities are also implementing prior actions to safeguard the 2014 fiscal deficit target, after the Constitutional Court struck down an important pension measure contained in the 2014 budget. Portugal continues to confront major economic challenges. At above 15 percent, unemployment remains at unacceptable levels. High household and corporate indebtedness will continue to act as a brake on both consumption and investment. Portugal’s public debt and external liabilities are also high. In this environment, continued efforts to rationalize public spending, encourage orderly deleveraging, and promote growth and investment in the tradable sector will be essential. Program review discussions focused on sustaining the progress already made and exploring future reform challenges. The 2014 fiscal targets were reaffirmed. In addition to reforms of public financial management and efforts to maintain financial stability, discussions focused on the need to reorient the economy from a debt- financed and consumption-led model to an export-led growth model. Risks to attaining the objectives of the program remain high. Beginning in mid- 2012, legal challenges to fiscal measures have become recurrent, and—with key elements of the 2014 budget law now submitted to the Constitutional Court for review—these challenges have intensified in recent months. This significantly complicates the authorities’ efforts to rebalance the fiscal consolidation effort toward expenditure-based measures, undermines the quality of the resulting fiscal adjustment, and introduces high policy uncertainty, with an attendant negative impact on output and employment. In addition, with its high debt ratios and large refinancing needs, Portugal remains susceptible to abrupt changes in market sentiment. Staff supports the authorities’ request for completion of the tenth review and for waivers of applicability of the end-December PCs. The purchase released upon completion of this review would be in an amount equivalent to SDR 803 million.» [DOMESTIC DEMAND IS NOT STRONGER IS LESS BAD; THE REMAINING HIGH LEVEL OF UNEMPLOYMENT WAS A LITTLE BIT DECREASED BY PERSONS THAT ESCAPE FROM OFFICIAL WORK MARKET TO EMIGRATION OR TO INACTIVITY AND BY EMPLOYMENTS IN SERVICES, INCLUDED GENERAL GOVERNMENT, NOT IN INDUSTRY AND AGRICULTURE; DON´T EXIST WORDS ABOUT REPLACING IMPORTS BY DOMESTIC PRODUCTION AND ABOUT THE BRUTAL PRESSURE OVER FAMILIES AND COMPANIES IN CONTRAST WITH GENERAL GOVERNMENT AND POLITICAL SOCIETY, BURNING AND STRONGLY DEVALUATING DOMESTIC MARKET]  

«(...) The sizable and frontloaded fiscal adjustment has achieved more than two thirds of the structural consolidation envisaged under the program and the remaining adjustment is evenly phased over 2014–

15. Against this backdrop, public debt is projected to be on a declining path from this year. Despite high private sector indebtedne ss, financial stability has been preserved and banks meet minimum capital requirements. Economic activity has bottomed out and a modest recovery is expected this year. External adjustment has exceed ed expectations, with Portugal posting a current account surplus for the first time in several decades. (...) [INCREDIBLE HOW WAS POSSIBLE THAT PRIORITY WAS NOT REFORM OF STATE AND ELIMINATE FOR THE FUTURE PUBLIC EXPENSES THAT DON´T CREATE VALUE TO PORTUGAL LIKE SUBMARINES, AUTOMOBILES, OVER DOSE OF FARMACEUTICAL AND FINANCIAL PRODUCTS, ...]  

Despite the welcome reduction in unemployment, it remains unacceptably high at above 15 percent, with youth unemployment near 37 percent, which could have lasting negative impact on the stock of human capital. The very high levels of corporate indebt edness will continue to act as a brake on investment for the foreseeable future, with current levels of net private investment too low to replace 

the capital stock. Both high unemployment and low invest ment will reduce the economy’s growth potential further if not addressed. Portugal’s external liability position also remains worryingly high and needs to be reversed in order to safeguard external sustainability. (...) [HYPOCRISY, THE PROGRAM WITH IT OVER DEVALUATION OF INTERNAL MARKET IMPLICATE A OVER DECRESING OF EMPLOYMENT. EXPORTS SURPRISED GOVERNMENT AND TROIKA BECAUSE DON´T VALUATE THE STRONG CAPACITY OF COMPANIES AND FAMILIES IN THE JUNGLE, UNDER A GREAT PRESSION OF BRUTAL CREDIT CUTS IN CONTRAST WITH GENERAL GOVERNMENT AND BANKS WITH THOUNSANDS OF MILLIONS OF EXTERNAL CREDIT AND INTERNAL TAXES.]  

Both public and private consumption will have to adjust to a new normal at lower levels, while creating

room for private investment to recover to levels that sustain and eventually increase the economy’s

growth potential. Higher growth is critical to safeguarding public and private debt sustainability. (...) [WHAT ARE THE NORMAL LOWER LEVELS? MIDDLE CLASSES OF REVENUES ARE GOING MORE AND MORE TO POOR LEVELS OF AVAILABLE INCOME, THE NON SUISTNABLE LEVELS OF CONSUMPTION ARE IN GENERAL GOVERNMENT WITHOUT REFORM AND IN HIGH LEVEL OF REVENUES AND PENSIONS INCLUDED IN PUBLIC SECTOR AND IN OLIGOPOLIES AND CARTELS]

Despite the authorities’ reform efforts over the program period, the required reorientation of the economy from the nontradable sector to the tradable sector has yet to gather pace. Continued vigorous efforts are required to reduce rents and increase productivity in the nontradable sector through increased competition and product market reform so that the burden of the required adjustment to achieve sustainability does not fall excessively on labor, and especially unskilled labor. These reforms would be a critical complement to reforms to improve the functioning of labor markets. (...) [THE POWER OF TROIKA OVER PORTUGAL WAS BADLY MANAGED, WITHOUT ANY SUCCESS IN THE GOOD DIMENSIONS OF THE LIBERAL THINKING, LIKE ELIMINATION OF RENTS FROM OLIGOPOLIES AND CARTELS, NOW IN PRIVATE AND INTERNATIONAL CONTROL AND ELIMITATION OF GENERAL GOVERNMENT EXPENSES WITHOUT CONTRIBUTE TO THE CREATION OF VALUE] 

The main priorities were ensuring adherence to the agreed fiscal targets; continued reforms of public financial management; maintaining financial stability and preparing for pan-European banking sector initiatives; and the scope to advance structural reforms to reorient the economy from a debt-financed and consumption-led model to an export-led growth model. (...) [THE DEPENDENCE OF DOMESTIC MARKETS BY COMPANIES THAT EXPORT IS 2/3, ONLY 10% OF COMPANIES EXPORT, EXTERNAL MARKETS COULD HAVE RECESSIONS, SO YOU NEED BALANCE SUPPORT TO A SUSTNAIBLE DOMESTIC MARKET AND INCENTIVES TO EXPORTS AND INTERNATIONAL INVESTING]

Following two and a half years of contraction, economic activity began to turn around in the second

quarter of 2013. Consumption and to a lesser extent investment are recovering, unemployment—albeit

still very high—declined notably, the strong growth of exports continued, and—buoyed by Europe-wide

positive market sentiment—bond yields have declined to levels not seen since mid-2010. As a result,

downside risks to outlook have diminished somewhat, but still remain significant. (...)  

Domestic demand had declined by 13 percent since late 2010—with consumption and investment falling by 11 and 27 percent, respectively—which could not be sufficiently offset by the contribution of net exports. In a reversal of that trend, domestic demand expanded quarter-on-quarter in both Q2 and Q3 of 2013, reinforcing the cumulative positive contribution of net exports and leading to positive overall growth. (...) [QUARTER TO QUARTER BUT THE ANNUAL POINT OF VIEW, DON´T MATTER ANYMORE? THAT VISION OF TRENDS DON`T LOOK FOR EXAMPLE, FOR HOMOLOGOUS DECREASE IN DECEMBER OF 2013 OF RETAIL SALE IN LINE WITH EUROZONE, THAT PUT THE ONLY QUARTER TO QUARTER POINT OF VIEW AS BIASED APPROACH]

While disposable income remained broadly stable since early 2012, the sharp rise in the household savings rate appears to have run its course, with an attendant increase in consumption. The stabilization of the savings rate reflects a combination of higher consumer confidence and perceptions of reduced policy uncertainty. The cumulative contribution of investment (excluding the change in inventories) to overall growth in Q2 and Q3 of 2013 was substantially smaller than that of consumption but positive, and reflected mainly private investment in equipment and machinery—indicative of a     welcome replacement of the depleted capital stock—and a small contribution from construction,       following the sizable contraction of the sector duringthe crisis. Reflecting the ongoing fiscal      consolidation, the level of publicinvestment in 2013 is estimated be about a half of its 2000–10 average. (...) [THIS IS A BIASED VISION ABOUT REALITY, ONLY IN FOOD EXIST A CLEAR INCREASE OF CONSUMPTION]

In particular, manufacturing and hotels/restaurants (the latter a proxy for tourism) accounted for almost a half of the total increase in employment; in contrast, employment in construction has continued to decline. The size of the labor force has stabilized over the course of the year and the unemployment rate is gradually trending lower. [IS FALSE THAT MANUFACTURING HAVE AN INCREASE IN EMPLOYMENT, ONLY SERVICES HAVE, LIKE TOURISM AND GENERAL GOVERNMENT, INCREDIBLE!]  

Core inflation contributed on average only 0.1 percentage points to overall inflation in 2013

(...) the (...) rise in exports was driven mainly by fuel exports and to a lesser extent services, while

growth of nonfuel goods exports was a more moderate (...). In line with the recovery in domestic demand, imports have begun to rise albeit at a more moderate pace, following a decline in 2012. The current account is estimated to have reached a surplus (...). This brings the cumulative adjustment since the current account deficit peaked in 2008 to 13½ percentage points, more than 4 percentage points higher than originally envisaged under the program. In view of Portugal’s highly negative   international investment position, further gains in competitiveness will be needed to ensure sustainability. (...) 

The 10-year sovereign bond yield has declined by more than 200 basis points since its peak of 7.3 percent in mid-September 2013, driven by a combination of continued program implementation and an

improved external environment, with the latter characterized by still-abundant global liquidity and a

recovery in growth in Portugal’s main trading partners. In early December the government

successfully conducted a debt swap to smooth the repayment humps in 2014–15, followed by a 5-

year syndicated bond issuance in early January that met with strong demand from foreign investors,

which further improved market sentiment towards Portugal. While the spread against the German

Bund has been declining in tandem with yields, it remains some 180 basis points higher than that for

Ireland and about 150 basis points higher than that for Italy and Spain. [IF BCE SAID BEFORE WHAT SAID IN 2012, PORTUGAL AND THE OTHER COUNTRIES DON´T HAVE SO MANY PROBLEMS, BUT THE TOXICITY OF BANKS CREATED AFFRAID FOR EUROPEAN DETERMINANT LEADERS]

In line with the recent strengthening of activity, the downside risks to the near-term macroeconomic outlook have diminished somewhat, while the medium-term outlook remains unchanged. [IS NOT GOOD FOR GOVERNMENT IN ELECTORAL CAMPAIGN ABOUT A MANIPULATED ECONOMIC RECOVERY: DECEMBER WAS BAD, PURCHASE AUTOMOBILES BY GERMAN CREDIT IS NOT THE WAY TO GROWTH AND MUCH LESS TO DEVELOPMENT]

There nevertheless are significant risks to the baseline.

An unanticipated increase in uncertainty or a dampening in consumer confidence could curtail consumption growth. Further Constitutional Court rulings against reforms could undermine confidence and growth prospects, in part because the government would have to increasingly resort to lower-quality and less growth-friendly fiscal measures to close the resulting budgetary gaps. Slower external demand could reduce the contribution of net exports and investment to the recovery. Turning to the medium term, the possibility that the drag on growth from the economy-wide deleveraging process could exceed expectations remains a persistent concern. Global financial conditions could also adversely affect prospects, particularly as the unwinding of extraordinary U.S. monetary stimulus now underway

could push yields higher for a broad range of borrowers. Elevated deflationary risks in the euro area

could also add significant headwinds to the regional recovery and impede the repair of the already-

weak private and public balance sheets in Portugal. In addition, while markets tend to view the

country favorably at this conjuncture, market conditions could quickly deteriorate if any of these

uncertainties were to materialize, as evidenced by the volatile market sentiment towards Portugal

throughout the program period. (...) [SO MANY RISKS IN A MORE VULNERABLE ECONOMY AFTER FINANCIAL ASSISTANCE PROGRAM] 

Fiscal performance has been in line with the program, with the 2013 target expected to have been met with some margin. (...)

The 2014 budget law was ratified in line with staff’s understandings and consistent with a deficit target of 4 percent of GDP. (...)

A new ruling by the Constitutional Court has complicated the authorities’ efforts to effectively rebalance the fiscal consolidation effort toward expenditure-based measures. (...)

While there has been notable progress in fiscal structural reforms, important challenges remain in expenditure control and arrears. (...)

PPPs renegotiations are ongoing, although with some delays. (...)

The financial performance of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) has improved, and the privatization program is on track. 

The debt outlook remains fragile

.

The debt peak has been revised upward and is now set to have peaked below 129½ percent of GDP in 2013, around 1 percentage point higher than projected at the time of the previous review.

However, this has largely been due to the accumulation of cash buffers. Accordingly, net debt—         excluding central government deposits—is projected to smoothly peak at around 120 percent of GDP

in 2013 and 2014, slightly below the earlier projections.

The decline in the general government gross debt-to-GDP ratio starting in 2014 is expected to be

supported in part by further use of cash deposits as well as by the ongoing reallocation of the Social

Security portfolio from foreign assets to government securities.

Most importantly, the sustainability of Portugal’s debt trajectory continues to hinge on strong fiscal

effort—including via its positive impact on credibility and market rates—as well as on further advances

in the structural reform agenda to support competitiveness and anchor long-term growth.

Accordingly, debt dynamics remain highly vulnerable to macro-fiscal as well as contingent liabilities shocks. (...)

There was agreement that if some of the measures in the budget were determined to be unconstitutional, the government would identify and implement compensatory measures of high quality to meet the agreed deficit targets. Accordingly, after the Constitutional Court struck down the CGA pension measure on December 19, the authorities announced offsetting measures to safeguard the 2014 deficit target. These include the frontloading of the planned increase in the beneficiaries’ contributions to the special health insurance schemes (ADSE, SAD, and ADM), with corresponding savings for the State, and a recalibration of the parameters of the existing extraordinary solidarity contribution on pensions (CES). Submission to Parliament of the revised CES through a supplementary budget and approval by the Council of Ministers of the decree law on the change in contributions to the special health insurance schemes are prior actions for completion of this review. These measures will provide the authorities with the necessary time to develop a more comprehensive structural reform and expenditure rationalization of pensions—critical to addressing the still large gap between social transfers and social contributions and improve intergenerational equity—in line with the Court ruling, with preliminary discussions to take stock of this process to beheld at the time of the eleventh review. 

Efforts are now focused on budget implementation.(...) In particular to ensure the targeted reduction in the size of the public sector workforce, following the conclusion of a first voluntary separation scheme (with about 3,000 applicants), the authorities have already launched two new programs, with others in the pipeline, targeting different career categories

and line ministries. (...)

However, the risk of further adverse legal rulings remains. While all the PER measures in the budget law and in the supporting legislation were designed with a view to ensure sustainability, effectiveness, and social equity of the state expenditure programs, further legal challenges have arisen. In January, the opposition submitted some articles of the 2014 budget law to the Constitutional Court, contesting four expenditure measures that were to yield around ½ percent of GDP in savings. There is no definitive timeline for a ruling by the Constitutional Court, but the authorities remain committed to meet the fiscal targets through the identification of alternative measures of equivalent size and quality. This, however, would be a challenging task, given the increasingly limited room for maneuver on the expenditure side and the need to avoid one-off and lower-quality measures. (...) 

Despite these persistent legal hurdles, the authorities are determined to advance the reform of public administration to anchor their medium-term fiscal consolidation path.

To reach the targeted deficit of 2.5 percent of GDP and the corresponding exit from the EU Excessive

Deficit Procedure in 2015, the authorities will need to identify additional permanent measures of

about 1.2 percent of GDP. Moreover, further fiscal effort of about ½ percent of GDP beyond staff’s 

baseline projections will be needed in the outer years to comply with requirements of the Treaty on

Stability, Coordination, and Governance in the EMU (Fiscal Compact). To meet these objectives, the

authorities are advancing specific measures to rationalize public administration, including through a

review of public sector remuneration and careers aiming at introducing single wage and supplement

scales. Preliminary discussions will be held at the time of the eleventh review to assess progress on

these measures, with detailed proposals underpinning the medium-term budgetary plans to be

included by the authorities in the 2014 Fiscal Strategy Document, to be published in April. (...)

(...) design of the forthcoming insolvency procedure for local governments, including a Municipality

Resolution Fund introduced by the Local Financing Law 

The financial sector remains stable, thanks to the successful completion of the 2012–13 capital

augmentation exercise, resilient customer deposits, as well as exceptional liquidity support from the

Eurosystem. However, credit to the private sector remains depressed and, in the context of ongoing

bank deleveraging and financial fragmentation, the economic recovery in the foreseeable future will

need to rely less on bank credit than prior to the crisis. Therefore, it is essential to strengthen corporate

sector balance sheets by facilitating an orderly deleveraging process and to explore alternative funding

sources from private capital markets for viable firms, notably SMEs. 

While capital buffers remain robust, the weak domestic environment continues to weigh on banks’ performance.

All banks continue to meet the minimum capital requirements set under the program, and remain resilient under adverse scenarios while adequate provisioning levels are being safeguarded through  periodical impairment reviews. However, banks’ profitability is being negatively affected by reduced business volumes, elevated impairment charges, and high funding costs. This development, in turn, weakens the banks’ ability to generate new capital. Nonperforming loans (NPLs) continue to increase, the past year being largely driven by developments in banks’ corporate portfolios. Although international activities continue to contribute to earnings, and banks are gradually reducing their cost base (...) neither effect is sufficient to offset the reduced earnings capacity of domestic operations.

In the context of stable deposits, banks’Eurosystem liquidity exposure declined gradually since its peak in June 2012 and stood at about €51 billion in November 2013, with a comfortable collateral buffer of about €30 billion covering over one year of banks’ refinancing needs. Nevertheless, credit conditions remain challenging, especially among SMEs. 

Credit continues to contract in aggregate terms, reflecting the ongoing deleveraging by banks and still-weak credit demand, although the pace of decline has moderated somewhat in recent months. Nevertheless, credit developments remain consistent with the much-needed rebalancing towards the tradable sector. Loans to the nontradable sector—notably construction and domestic trade—have contracted significantly, while loans to exporting firms have grown.

Reflecting banks’ weak profitability and still difficult market conditions, lending rates to the corporate sector remain elevated. Notwithstanding some decline from their peaks in late 2011, rates on new business loans stay well above those in euro area peers. (...)

Notwithstanding ongoing efforts to cut labor costs and capital expenditure, the reduction in the nominal debt by Portuguese companies has been slower than the decline in nominal GDP. As a result, total debt remained above 155 percent of GDP, on a consolidated basis, as of December 2012. This persistently high indebtedness has resulted in companies’ rising difficulty in servicing their debt—over 65 percent of the corporate debt is on the balance sheet of enterprises with an interest coverage ratio

(ICR) of 2 or less [ICR=EBITDA/INTERESTS MEANS THAT INTEREST/EBITDA ARE 50% OR MORE]

Robust capital buffers provide the largest banks with a favorable starting position for the Comprehensive Assessment in the context of the Single Supervisory Mechanism. 

Credit Impairment. To ensure timely and consistent recognition of losses, the BdP is developing

guidelines on measuring credit portfolio impairment, incorporating best practices identified during the three impairment reviews that have been conducted since May 2011, expected to be published by mid-February. In addition, the guidelines require the institutions to promote greater disclosure of information on asset quality and credit risk management, with the aim to provide market participants with a better understanding of the institutions’ risk profile. 

Restructured Loans. Following the publication of draft implementing technical standards on

nonperforming exposures and forbearance—developed by the European Banking Authority to

enhance cross-border comparability of asset quality indicators—the BdP has amended its

instruction on the identification and marking of restructured loans due to financial difficulties of

the client. Among the changes are more conservative criteria that must be met before a

restructured loan may cease to be marked as such , including a two-year probation period during

which regular payments of principal have to be made. (...)

Real Estate. Real estate valuation requirements have been tightened for all institutions. As part

of the implementation of the new standards, institutions have been requested to ensure that

their collateral valuations remain sufficiently conservative. (...)

(...) possibility for a conversion of deferred tax assets (DTAs) to counteract mandatory deductions under CRD IV.

DTAs are assets on banks’ balance sheets that can be used to reduce future corporate income tax

payments. As in other euro area member states, Portuguese banks have built up a significant

position of DTAs, arising largely from temporary differences between the accounting treatment of

loan loss provisioning and the tax deductibility thereof. Under CRD IV, DTAs that rely on future

profitability of the bank are to be gradually deducted in the calculation of CET1, recognizing that

DTAs only create value if a bank can generate sufficient taxable income against which they can be

offset. Such deductions can be averted by replacing the DTAs with tax credits that can be offset

against the institution’s tax liabilities and, under certain circumstances, constitute a direct claim on

central government. Staff was of the view that while a conversion of DTAs to nondeductable tax

credits would have a positive effect on the bank’s forward-looking capital ratios, it would be

important to guard against a materialization of fiscal liabilities. Moreover, it is advisable to ensure

that any DTA conversions are contingent on actions that contribute to the strengthening of the

bank’s balance sheet. Such actions could include simultaneous equity issuances, additional

provisioning, and disposals of distressed assets. [WE DON´T AGREE WITHH THIS KIND OF FACILITIES TO THE BANKS IN CONTRAST WITH NO FACILITIES TO NON FINANCIAL COMPANIES AND FAMILIES]»

To be continued

Ms. Nemat Shafik (IMF) http://www.imf.org/external/np/sec/pr/2014/pr1455.htm:
«The Portuguese authorities’ implementation of their Fund-supported program has been commendable, despite recent legal setbacks. The authorities have promulgated a 2014 budget consistent with program objectives, and have introduced measures to offset the component of the pension reform invalidated by the constitutional court. At the same time, while the short-term outlook has improved, unemployment, while declining, remains high and risks remain. The authorities’ continued strong commitment to program implementation is crucial to strengthen the recovery and make further progress in achieving fiscal and external  sustainability.
It will be important to complete fiscal consolidation to put the public debt firmly on a downward path. Pressures to increase public expenditure should be resisted, and efforts to rationalize public administration and narrow the gap between social transfers and contributions should be continued. Further fiscal structural reforms, including in revenue administration and arrears control, are critical to maintain sustainable public finances and minimize budgetary risks.
Preserving financial stability while promoting access to credit is necessary to facilitate a durable recovery. Given high levels of corporate debt that constrain bank credit, stepped-up efforts to facilitate an orderly deleveraging process and measures to promote access to funding for viable firms are needed.
Structural reforms are key to raising the Portuguese economy’s growth potential. Greater product market competition and labor market flexibility are still needed. In addition, higher investment, especially in the tradable sector, is needed to generate greater employment and the sustained external surpluses necessary to unwind imbalances.

The commitment by the European leaders to support Portugal until full market access is regained, combined with continued strong program implementation, is essential to help the country remain resilient to shocks and consolidate progress.»

NOVO RUMO PARA PORTUGAL II - PRO NOVUS RHOMBU LUSITANAE II - NEW RHUMB FOR PORTUGAL II

http://novorumoparaportugal.pt/home

«O Governo deixou praticamente de governar. Transformou-se num comité eleitoral do PSD e do CDS e especializou-se na oposição ao PS (...) segunda parte da teoria do oásis (...) o país hoje está melhor. 

Não está, porque (...) esqueceu-se de olhar para os mais de 880 mil portugueses que estão desempregados, os mais de 200 mil que emigraram, os mais de 310 mil que estando em idade de trabalhar já desistiram de tanto procurar e não encontrar uma oportunidade (...) 137 mil jovens, a maior parte licenciados, que não encontraram oportunidade de emprego e também tiveram de emigrar.

 (...) a vida das pessoas está pior (...) Nós hoje temos um país mais pobre e mais desigual. Ninguém, a não ser o Governo, que persiste em iludir os portugueses, pode dizer que o país está hoje melhor do que estava há dois anos e meio (...) diga com muita clareza quais são os cortes que prepara para serem definitivos (...)» António José Seguro, 31-02-2014 (http://www.ps.pt/noticias/noticias/seguro-acusa-governo-de-se-ter-transformado-num-comite-eleitoral-do-psd-e-do-cds.html)

«Eu sei que a vida quotidiana das pessoas não está melhor, mas não tenho dúvidas que a vida do País está muito melhor» Líder do Grupo Parlamentar do PSD (espantoso!)


XXXV Congresso Nacional do PSD http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/2.0/

«Estamos melhor ou pior?» [perguntou 8 vezes!]«Estamos melhor que em 2011!» «(...) não há hoje menos social-democracia no PSD do que havia há 40 anos quando o partido se formou e Sá Carneiro deu os primeiros passos na Ala Liberal (...) Houve muita gente que no espaço público encontrou maneira ou de nos apelidar de neoliberais ou até, pasme-se, de estalinistas (...). Mas, nestes dois anos, dedicámos o melhor de nós próprios a procurar salvar Portugal da bancarrota» Primeiro Ministro, líder do PSD

Portugal desvalorizaram
E ainda mais endividaram
Porque o Estado não reformaram
E brutalmente a Sociedade Civil tributaram

VENEZUELA III - VENETIOLA III - VENEZUELA III

María Corina Machado, member of Parliament of Venezuela

The tyrants along the time that hold the power do everything to silent the voices of Liberty and True, but they can´t do that, it´s impossible!

María Corina Machado - http://mariacorina.com/oficina-de-prensa/cartas/949-a-la-comunidad-internacional.html:

«Nos dirigimos con carácter de urgencia a la comunidad internacional para denunciar la represión criminal a la que el régimen de Nicolás Maduro está sometiendo al pueblo de Venezuela y para advertir sobre la escalada de agresión y violencia que se incrementa con el paso de las horas.

El gobierno de Maduro ha abandonando las apariencias democráticas, asumiendo su  talante dictatorial. Vivimos una represión feroz, no solamente por parte de los cuerpos de seguridad del Estado, sino por parte de los colectivos del terror, grupos paramilitares armados promovidos y protegidos por el oficialismo.  

Anoche Nicolás Maduro asumió la defensa de esos grupos y dio garantía de su “carácter pacífico”.  Cientos de videos y las propias declaraciones de los jefes de estos grupos desmienten de manera inequívoca al gobierno. Desde el pasado 12 de febrero, se han registrado oficialmente 6 personas fallecidas, decenas de heridos, centenares de detenidos y un número indeterminado de desaparecidos. Además, las fuerzas públicas están cometiendo actos de barbarie en contra de jóvenes estudiantes desarmados: torturas, amenazas de muerte, vejaciones sexuales y robo de sus pertenencias. Hay órdenes de aprensión sin fórmula de juicio, allanamientos sin mandato judicial, y uso de armas de guerra y químicos prohibidos internacionalmente, que el régimen usa para reprimir con crueldad.

El Gobierno compara con frecuencia la situación venezolana con la que vive el pueblo sirio, justificando la represión en ese país, lo que nos permite advertir que en el caso venezolano estamos ante el riesgo inminente de una catástrofe humanitaria.

Ante la violación reiterada y criminal de los derechos humanos, le exigimos al gobierno y a los tribunales el acatamiento a los artículos 44 y 46 de la Constitución que dicen:

“Toda persona tiene derecho a que se respete su integridad física, psíquica y moral, en consecuencia:

1. Ninguna persona puede ser sometida a penas, torturas o tratos crueles, inhumanos o degradantes. Toda persona privada de libertad será tratada con el respeto debido a la dignidad inherente al ser humano.

2. Todo funcionario público o funcionaria pública que, en razón de su cargo, infiera maltratos o sufrimientos físicos o mentales a cualquier persona, o que instigue o tolere este tipo de tratos, será sancionado o sancionada de acuerdo.

3. Ninguna persona puede ser arrestada o detenida sino en virtud de una orden judicial, a menos que sea sorprendida in fraganti.

4.  Toda persona detenida tiene derecho a comunicarse de inmediato con sus familiares, abogado o abogada o persona de su confianza, y éstos o éstas, a su vez, tienen el derecho a ser informados o informadas sobre el lugar donde se encuentra la persona detenida, a ser notificados o notificadas inmediatamente de los motivos de la detención y a que dejen constancia escrita en el expediente sobre el estado físico y psíquico de la persona detenida, ya sea por sí mismos o por sí mismas, o con el auxilio de especialistas.

La población civil está en manos de un “gobierno” que se comporta como enemigo del pueblo venezolano y de unas fuerzas represivas que actúan como ejército de ocupación extranjero, pero sin, ni siquiera respetar las leyes de la guerra.  Nicolás Maduro ha dicho, actuando como se lo indican sus jefes cubanos, que “está dispuesto a cualquier cosa”.  Toda indica que está cumpliendo esa amenaza.

Denunciamos igualmente la pretensión de Nicolás Maduro de engañar a los venezolanos y al mundo con frecuentes llamados al diálogo.  Se trata de un “diálogo” en el cual el Gobierno pretende designar a los interlocutores y establecer unilateralmente la agenda. Nunca ha habido un llamado sincero al diálogo.  Nosotros estamos absolutamente dispuestos a ello, pero un diálogo que no  signifique engaño,  obsecuencia, sometimiento y acatamiento.

La gran mayoría de los medios de comunicación venezolanos, especialmente las televisoras, no muestran la realidad, sino que pretenden encubrirla  con programas de entretenimiento. Esto se debe al cierre o compra de medios, a la censura, a la autocensura, y al ambiente de terror y de amenaza que se respira en nuestro país. Para enterarnos de lo que sucede, los venezolanos debemos recurrir a los medios alternativos o a los canales extranjeros, con la desventaja de que son muchos los que no tienen acceso a estas tecnologías.

Los organismos multilaterales y la mayoría de los gobiernos latinoamericanos guardan un silencio cómplice y temeroso.  Hacemos un llamado a los sectores democráticos de América, y del mundo, a no permanecer indiferentes, y a denunciar por todos los medios posibles los delitos de lesa humanidad que está cometiendo el gobierno venezolano. Si la comunidad internacional eleva su voz con firmeza, al gobierno de Nicolás Maduro se le hará más difícil mantener la represión brutal en contra de nuestro pueblo.

En estas horas difíciles, nos encomendamos a Dios, y confiamos en que los principios y valores democráticos prevalecerán, por encima de la barbarie y de la irracionalidad.» 

Patricia Janiot (CNN)

«(...) nadie va a venir desde el exterior a tratar de perturbar el clima psicológico de Venezuela (...)» said the tyrant Maduro

«El pasado 12 de febrero el Gobierno venezolano apagó la señal por cable del canal informativo colombiano NTN24, al que acusó de transmitir la "zozobra" de un golpe de Estado.» «El Tiempo» - Bogotá http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/ARTICULO-WEB-NEW_NOTA_INTERIOR-13539682.html

After CNN has been silenced, Patricia Junot can´t be infoorm the world about what tyrants of Venezuela will do to the democratic opposition to the persons.

«El balance del Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de la Prensa (SNTP) da cuenta de que 11 (periodistas) fueron detenidos entre el miércoles y este domingo en la mañana"» SNTP

Silence for independent media and manipulation of «enemies»: «Según Diosdado Cabello, presidente de la Asamblea Nacional, las marchas buscan un golpe de estado, mismo que este está liderado y financiado por EE. UU. y Colombia.» «El Tiempo» - Bogotá http://www.eltiempo.com/mundo/latinoamerica/ARTICULO-WEB-NEW_NOTA_INTERIOR-13508875.html

INCREDIBLE!

«O Governo da Venezuela quer neutralizar a oposição. “Vamos capturá-los um a um. Aqui não há um Presidente fraco, aqui não há um povo fraco”, disse Nicolás Maduro, que, na quinta-feira à tarde, foi ver a destruição que os confrontos entre manifestantes anti-Governo e forças pró-Governo deixaram nas ruas de Caracas.

Leopoldo López, líder da Vontade Popular, está preso desde terça-feira. De acordo com o jornal espanhol El País, estão em curso buscas em casas particulares na procura de Antonio Rivero, um antigo militar que chegou a fazer parte do Governo de Hugo Chávez — o fundador do regime socialista bolivariano venezuelano — e se demitiu depois de denunciar a interferência de Cuba nas Forças Armadas da Venezuela.

Outro dirigente da Vontade Popular (VP), Carlos Vecchio, é procurado pela justiça. E Maduro disse que o presidente da Câmara de San Cristóbal (a cidade onde começou a revolta contra o Governo), Daniel Ceballos, também da Vontade Popular, pode ser acusado de incitamento à violência e conspiração.
Corina Machado, a número dois do VP, é outro alvo: o processo para retirar a impunidade parlamentar a esta deputada já começou e o objectivo é acusá-la no processo contra Leopoldo López, acusado de actos de delinquência e associação delinquente.
O Presidente Nicolás Maduro chamou-lhes “fascistas”, acusou os estudantes (os primeiros a rebelar-se, em protesto pela alta taxa de criminalidade no país, 71 homicidios por dia) de estarem a receber dinheiro para provocarem a violência e disse que há um líder da oposição que planeava assassinar Leopoldo López para “depois culpar o Governo”. O seu nome será divulgado em breve, prometeu, e será preso.

Já no palácio presidencial, Maduro prometeu prender mais pessoas: as que, através da rede social Twitter, o ameaçaram e ao segundo homem do regime, Diosdado Cabello, presidente do Parlamento e para muitos o homem que, neste momento, manda realmente na Venezuela.»
Ana Gomes Ferreira - Publico - Lisboa http://www.publico.pt/mundo/noticia/presidnete-da-venezuela-anuncia-grande-operacao-para-prender-opositores-1625674

TIRANIA III - TYRANNIS III - TYRANNY III

Candles iluminate the votes of the members of Parliament to oust the tyrant (Jeff J Mitchell/Getty Images). Yulia Tymochenko freed speech with other leaders of opposition https://twitter.com/kgorchinskaya/status/437286048557985792/photo/1

Ukraine by the pression of the persons and international support against government violence is free of the President that used force to still in power and lost it because that. Another tyrant fall!!! Hope to Ukraine and it Persons! European Union, United States of America and Russia must work together to help the Country!

Yulia Tymoshenko says she is sure Ukraine will join the EU in the near future and “this will change everything” follow Reuters ...

In Kiev said: «It was not politicians or diplomats or world leaders who made this happen. It is you, the people who stood on Maidan, who changed the situation»

TIRANIA II - TYRANNIS II - TYRANNY II

Ukraine: hommage to victims

Ukraine: the tyrant agree with democratic opposition after him option by the way of violence degenerate in more violence with many victims (oppositors, red cross supporter, policians, ...). Representative democracies don´t have antidotes for this kind of poison: persons elected and not elected too, don´t respect the electoral agree, make crucial decisions without referendum or abuse oof the delegation of political power.

Tyrant over pression seems try win time, agree with elections, but still with delegation of power until that future uncertain moment. We hope that election will happen and will be free!


Freedom for Venezuela! Shame for the stalinistic Portuguese Communist Party!

O regime autocrático venezuelano chavista vai cair como todas as tiranias, mas até lá vai continuar a cometer muitas atrocidades. Há muito tempo que os líderes chavistas deveriam responder perante a Comunidade Internacional por crimes contra a Humanidade! Daqui a séculos os historiadores poderão analisar, espera-se que em síntese dialéctica favorável resultante, a horrível barbárie (tese) e a sua antítese a afirmação humanista, democrática, personalizada existentes na actual época, através de infinitas imagens e documentos ...
O PCP stalinista, totalitário e anti democrático, demonstra bem o que faria em Portugal se tivesse alcançado o poder que pretendia em 1975: o apoio às horrendas ditaduras soviéticas, à tirania chavista, aos terroristas das FARC, à tirania norte coreana, ... ainda não elucidaram muitos dos seus eleitores, mas claramente que vai desaparecer ao longo da História de Portugal ... o comunicado do PCP é uma afronta à Humanidade, às vítimas de qualquer tirania e ditadura, seja ela sazalarista ou soviética e no caso concreto a todas as vítimas venezuelanas do regime chavista. Não é por acaso que a oposição democrática apelida de "fascista" o governo venezuelano.



http://www.pcp.pt/pcp-condena-campanha-de-viol%C3%AAncia-na-venezuela-e-expressa-solidariedade-com-revolu%C3%A7%C3%A3o-bolivariana

The stalinist PCP defend always tirannies and is a tyrant political party.  

TIRANIA - TYRANNIS - TYRANNY

Opposition leaders in Venezuela: Maria Corina Machado and Leopoldo Lopez

AP Photo/Juan Manuel Hernandez

«Um grupo de funcionários do Sebin não cumpriram diretamente as ordens do diretor do Sebin desse dia de ficar no quartel e ninguém sair à rua. Os únicos policiais e funcionários que deviam estar nas ruas, como estiveram a conter a violência, era a Polícia Nacional e a Guarda Nacional em uma segunda linha» afirmou o tirano Maduro que exonerou no dia 18, o general Manuel Bernal, diretor do «Serviço Bolivariano de Inteligência Nacional (Sebin)». A responsabilidade pelos crimes cometidos contra a Humanidade na Venezuela é do regime político e não da oposição ou dos Estados Unidos da América «We've seen many times that the Venezuelan government tries to distract from its own actions by blaming the U.S.» White House spokesman Jay Carney.

As forças de qualquer ordem tirânica geram desordem, violência, terror, são terroristas e tentam lançar sobre as oposições democráticas a responsabilidade pela violência e pelas atrocidades que realizam, pelos crimes contra a Humanidade que cometem.

The report of United Nations about North Korea is very clear about the horrible system (http://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/HRC/CoIDPRK/Pages/ReportoftheCommissionofInquiryDPRK.aspx):
«(...)

V. Conclusions and recommendations

1.    Systematic, widespread and gross human rights violations have been and are being committed by the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, its institutions and officials. In many instances, the violations of human rights found by the commission constitute crimes against humanity. These are not mere excesses of the State; they are essential components of a political system that has moved far from the ideals on which it claims to be founded. The gravity, scale and nature of these violations reveal a State that does not have any parallel in the contemporary world. Political scientists of the twentieth century characterized this type of political organization as a totalitarian State: a State that does not content itself with ensuring the authoritarian rule of a small group of people, but seeks to dominate every aspect of its citizens’ lives and terrorizes them from within.

2.    The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea displays many attributes of a totalitarian State: the rule of a single party, led by a single person, is based on an elaborate guiding ideology that its current Supreme Leader refers to as “Kimilsungism-Kimjongilism”. The State seeks to ensure that its citizens internalize this guiding ideology by indoctrinating citizens from childhood, suppressing all political and religious expression that questions the official ideology, and tightly controlling citizens’ physical movement and their means of communication with each other and with those in other countries. Discrimination on the basis of gender and songbun is used to maintain a rigid social structure that is less likely to produce challenges to the political system.

3.    The State’s monopolization of access to food has been used as an important means to enforce political loyalty. The distribution of food has prioritized those who are useful to the survival of the current political system at the expense of those deemed to be expendable. Citizens’ complete dependence on the State led to one of the worst cases of famine in recent history. The authorities have only recently come to tolerate the fact that markets can no longer be fully suppressed. Instead of fully embracing reforms to realize the right to food, however, the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea maintains a system of inefficient economic production and discriminatory resource allocation that inevitably produces more unnecessary starvation among its citizens.

4.    The key to the political system is the vast political and security apparatus that strategically uses surveillance, coercion, fear and punishment to preclude the expression of any dissent. Public executions and enforced disappearance to political prison camps serve as the ultimate means to terrorize the population into submission. The State’s violence has been externalized through State-sponsored abductions and enforced disappearances of people from other nations. These international enforced disappearances are unique in their intensity, scale and nature. 

(...)»